The Politics of Belonging : Migrants and Minorities in Contemporary Europe

This thesis is a critical inquiry into the history of Australia’s Special Humanitarian Program (1980), and the implications of the development of the Special Humanitarian Program (SHP) for Australia’s offshore refugee policy. This thesis investigates why the SHP was created, how the SHP was developed, and its historical significance for Australian refugee policy. The SHP was conceived in 1980 as a policy solution to facilitate the entry and resettlement of Jews from the Soviet Union. It was expanded into a Global SHP program in 1981 for all minorities overseas who were escaping human rights abuses in their home countries and had a connection to Australia. Critically, the SHP was for people in humanitarian need who were not classified as refugees under international law for technical legal reasons. They were de facto refugees: refugees in fact and circumstances but not in legal status. This thesis argues that the SHP was a substantial addition to and expansion of Australia’s offshore refugee policy and of Australia’s protection of de facto refugees. This thesis will show that the SHP was a concept of humanitarian entry that was substantially similar to Australia’s refugee entry even though the SHP formally appeared to have different processing requirements to the refugee program. Australia was not and is not legally obliged to admit into Australia refugees who are overseas, and moreover is not bound to admit people overseas who are de facto refugees. Australia did so and acted above its legal obligations, this thesis explains, largely in response to diplomatic pressures on handling Soviet Jewish migration and interdependence with US policy. Australia also was influenced by a strong ideological imperative on international human rights that galvanised in the 1970s; human rights discourses drove Australia to act consistently with international rights to freedom of movement and to protection. This thesis makes a related argument that international human rights generated compelling duties and obligations on Australia, through political pressure, to admit refugees and de facto refugees and create responsive entry policies. The SHP is an area of Australian refugee policy that has not received scholarly attention in either legal or historical disciplines. Moreover, there is no detailed history of the development of SHP as the de facto refugee component of Australia’s overseas humanitarian intake. This thesis addresses a gap in legal scholarship on the development of Australian refugee law and policy, and in historical scholarship on immigration and refugee policy. It also extends knowledge on Soviet Jewish immigration in the field of Australian Jewish history. The thesis is informed by legal examination of international law and practice with respect to refugees. The thesis is primarily based on archival research in the Australian government archives. It also utilises Hansard parliamentary debates, Jewish organisational papers, US Presidential and organisational archives from New York, Australian and US newspapers, Australian demographic data, and some interviews. <br>Awards: Winner of the Mollie Holman Doctoral Medal for Excellence, Faculty of Art, Design and Architecture, 2014.

The ‘ever closer union’ motto of the 1957 Rome Treaty was indeed one of the most assertive ‘superordinate goals’ in the history of the EU. Symbolic as it may sound, a formulation of this sort was in the aftermath of a war-stricken Europe intending to promote the initial cooperation between a number of formerly hostile states to a broader audience. For immigration issues, as part of a diverse range of policy areas in the Community’s course of action to that effect, the Schengen Treaties in the 1980s served well by abolishing the traditional border controls and setting about a deeper and wider ‘area of freedom, security and justice’. The 1997 Amsterdam Treaty was quite seminal in this latter respect. Accordingly, decision-making in immigration matters was to follow progressively supranationalist principles, with the competences of the Council to be going halves with the Parliament incrementally. Aside from a certain level of harmonisation in cross-border police and judicial affairs, nevertheless, the prevailing tendency in the EU Member States’ patterns of immigration policy-making has since then been more to the precedence of intergovernmentalism than to that of supranationalism. Perceiving this ‘back-pedalling’ to be a serious damper on the tenability of the Rome Treaty’s slogan in today’s far more crowded Union, this doctoral study aimed to investigate as its core research question the extent of ‘Europeanisation’ concerning the immigration policies of four EU members. The analysis of these cases, namely Germany, the UK, Greece and Italy, included as a matter of course their convergences/divergences in this policy field as well. The secondary question the study sought to answer by extension was in other words the similarities and differences between the selected cases’ national immigration policies. The main hypotheses to test within this framework concerned relevance of institutional strength and public attitudes. A twofold approach was followed to operationalise this quest. First, the selected cases’ historical backgrounds, institutional structures and patterns of immigration policy-making specifically with reference to the EU/Community law were treated with a qualitative textual analysis. The findings of this examination were then substantiated quantitatively by the Migration Integration Policy Index (MIPEX) and the European Commission’s annual assessment reports, backed up occasionally with the help of recent Eurobarometer Surveys. For a wider perspective of Europeanisation, the research was designed in compliance with the ‘bottom-up’ model. Having employed this model against a historical/conceptual background -where immigration, citizenship and multiculturalism constituted the three chief integral parts- and in light of data from the MIPEX and the EU Commission supplementing this framework, the study came to the conclusion that in the face of the relatively recent and rapidly expanding immigration flows, the institutional structures in Greece and Italy were not poised for effective management, which is why the two countries’ immigration policies had to undergo ‘transformation’ vis-a-vis the EU norms/standards/regulations in this category. While transposition and implementation of the relevant EU texts ran on a certain level of scepticism in all selected cases –not least because of the negative public attitudes towards immigration- Germany’s supranational commitments turned out to be more considerable than in others. Despite the strong institutional structure it possessed like Germany, the UK appeared to be a typical case for ‘Euroscepticism’ here. In any event, compared to that in Greece or Italy, the extent of Europeanisation in the UK, as well as in Germany, amounted to ‘absorption’ at most, given the latter two cases’ low-to-moderate needs for policy-change and bigger regulatory capacities. Put differently, in the end, the immigration policies of Greece and Italy were throughout the selected period of analysis illustrative of a higher degree of Europeanisation than those of Germany and the UK. Keywords: Europeanisation, supranationalisation, migration, immigration, citizenship, multiculturalism, national policies, institutional framework, EU/Community law, third-country nationals, non-EU nationals.

This thesis empirically investigates three different aspects of immigration policies in Germany. In Chapter 2, I analyze whether the economic assimilation of refugees differs from the assimilation of economic immigrants. To create and implement effective immigration policies, it is necessary to understand the heterogeneity of different immigration groups. As a large part of low-skilled immigrants in the OECD originates from asylum seekers and low-skilled immigrants are a main target of immigration policies, a deeper understanding of that group is of high relevance. Moreover, immigration via the asylum system will most likely present an important channel for immigration in the future, given events like the recent refugee crisis in the European Union. If immigration policy tries to improve the economic integration of refugees, the peculiarities of the group of refugees should be taken into account designing policy measures.&#13;\nChapters 3 and 4 analyze the effects of a particular policy instrument, the acquisition of citizenship. Naturalization grants an immigrant the citizenship of the host country by giving the immigrant the equal rights as the native population. It is predominantly directed to immigrants who have spent several years in the host country and requires specific criteria to be met. The third chapter which is joint work with Christina Gathmann investigates the effect of citizenship acquisition on the economic integration of immigrants. Making use of a novel identification strategy which is based on two policy reforms, we identify the causal effect of citizenship on various economic outcomes. An earlier version of this paper was circulated in the IZA Working Paper series (Gathmann and Keller, 2014). The fourth paper which is joint work with Christina Gathmann and Ole Monscheuer broadens the scope on the effects of citizenship acquisition and analyzes the impact of naturalization on the social integration of immigrants. In particular, we investigate the effects of naturalization on fertility and marriage patterns of immigrants. Despite the primary interest in the labor market effects of immigration policies, these policies might also have significant impact on other dimensions of integration. Previous research has shown that attitudes of natives toward immigrants and immigration in general are not only shaped by their economic impacts (i.e., on wages and taxes), but also on social and cultural differences (e.g., Card et al., 2012; Dustmann and Preston, 2007). Thus, the effects of immigration policies on social integration outcomes are also highly relevant, especially for policy makers which are confined by the public perception of immigration in general.

The purpose of this article is to trace the evolution of Swedish policy towards immigrants in the period of 1945 to 1994 – that is, from the end of the War, when a very large wave of refugees came to Sweden, until the country’s accession to the European Union – and the factors that determined the change in the approach of the Swedish authorities to this community. Shortly after the War, the Swedish authorities clearly differentiated their policy towards immigrants, which means they treated differently, e.g. Poles, Scandinavians and representatives of other Baltic nations. While in principle all the people coming from the Baltic countries received a residence permit in Sweden, the others received the right to reside only in individual cases. In the years 1948– 1971, the number of immigrants coming to Sweden was slowly growing. There were both political refugees, as well as economic immigrants. The gradual development of the Swedish economy deepened the demand for cheap labour. The basic document defining a new approach to the problems of immigrants was enacted in 1975. On the basis of the adopted bill, a number of areas of policy towards immigrants in Sweden was reformed. The evolution of policy towards immigrants has consistently sought to implement the concept of folkhemmet (the house of the people), which is the basis for the formation of the Swedish welfare state, and assumed to create conditions for a safe development of the society in general, which meant integration of the immigrants with other people in Sweden on such levels as social, economic, educational etc. The Swedish model of a multicultural society was built, implemented as a result of legal regulations introduced in the years 1964–1975 and it seemed the wisest choice. It assumed to build a multi‑ethnic society, respecting everyone’s roots and traditions, culture and language that the immigrants brought with them and providing the opportunity to cultivate these values in the country of residence. These rules have created the foundations of modern Swedish immigration policy.

The central theme of the thesis lies on the convergent trend of European immigrant integration policies into so called ‘civic integration’. Although researches on civic integration often mention nationalistic, exclusionary, and control oriented characters of the policy, the thesis aims to provide more nuanced understanding of civic integration by conducting two strands of researches. First, he conducted a comparative analysis of party politics in two countries- Germany and the Netherlands. In these case studies, he showed the introduction of civic integration could be based on broad consensus from left to right wing. Second, he analyzed how EU institutions reacted to the developments of civic integration at the national level, and how the combination of ECJ rulings and the European Commission effectively had cut down national discretions to take exclusionary policies towards immigrants. Combining those results, he argued the emergence of new model of immigrant integration in Europe.

British multiculturalism was based, in principle at least, upon a policy of integration that emphasised the maintenance of immigrants’ ‘national characteristics and culture … in an atmosphere of mutual tolerance’ (Jenkins, 1966). This statement was the only real attempt at any sort of vision for an emerging multicultural society and was made by the then Home Secretary in 1966. This version of integration provided reassurance to the UK’s immigrant community who were frequently subject to harassment, intimidation and discrimination in a post-war Britain just beginning to come to terms with diversity. It was soon to be supported by strong anti-discrimination legislation and a number of positive action programmes to try to ensure some semblance of equal opportunities. Despite the problems, It stood in contrast to the approach of other European countries, notably France and Germany, which appeared to favour assimilation, in the case of France, or the ‘guest worker’ model in which long-term citizenship and rights were denied, as in the case of Germany. However, in common with France and Germany and many other countries, Britain is characterised by segregated areas that reflect the early patterns of settlement and reinforced by later inward migration.

This thesis contributes to our understanding of the economics of international migration. It consists of three chapters exploring some of the consequences and implications of human migration. Chapter 1, ‘No Country for Young Men’, studies the effects of international migration on the schooling and labour outcomes of left-behind children. While a large literature on the topic already exists and focuses on Latin America and China, little is known about how migration affects left-behind individuals in other parts of the world; and Central Asia in particular. The study concentrates on Tajikistan, the country with the highest level of remittance inflows relative to the size of the economy. Using panel data tracking the same children over time, I find important and gender-differenced schooling and labour supply responses. In a nutshell, young males are found to benefit from the migration of one of their household members, while young women are not. The second chapter, ‘Invasive Neighbours’, provides new evidence on the effect of immigration on electoral outcomes in developing countries. The Dominican Republic is used as case study as it provides a highly interesting context to analyse this issue. The vast majority of its immigrants come from neighbouring Haiti, and together the two countries share the island of Hispaniola. I find robust evidence that higher immigrant concentration is associated with greater support for the right-wing political coalition that has traditionally been more opposed to immigration. At the same time, the popularity of the centre-left coalition is found to decline in localities experiencing larger inflows of foreigners. Political competition, citizenship and identity considerations seem to be shaping voting behaviour and individual attitudes towards immigrants in the Dominican Republic. The third and last chapter, ‘The Elusive Quest for Social Diversity?’, analyses the effect of social housing supply on ethnic and social diversity in France’s largest metropolitan areas. High income countries generally rely on the provision of affordable housing through various schemes to both facilitate access to decent accommodation and encourage social diversity at the local level. The analysis takes advantage of a national policy reform to shed light on the issue. I find strong evidence of a positive relationship between social housing and ethnic diversity in local labour markets with large immigrant networks and strong labour demand. Social housing provision also affects the distribution of households’ income at the local level. This chapter contributes to the small but growing literature on the impact of social housing developments on the neighbourhoods in which they are built.

국내 이주민의 증가는 글로벌 시대에 따른 자연스러운 사회 현상으로 이해되기도 하지만 한편으로 우리 사회에 많은 고민과 과제를 주고 있다. 다문화 사회를 받아들일 준비가 되어있지 않은 상태에서 발생하는 이주민들에 대한 인권 침해 및 사회적 소외현상, 내국인이 겪는 갈등과 혼란 등, ‘다문화 사회’를 수용하는 과정에서 치루는 사회적 비용은 다양한 분야에서 지속적으로 증가하고 있다. 지속적으로 증가하는 문화의 다양성의 요구를 수용하고 그 과정에서 발생하는 사회적 비용을 감소시키기 위해 다양한 정책이 마련되고 있다. 그러나 진정한 의미에서의 민주적 다문화 사회를 위해서는 이주민들의 정치참여에 대한 접근성을 높이는 것이 중요한 실천적 요소가 될 수 있다. 이는 국가 시스템의 차원에서 이주민에게 정치 참여의 기회를 제공함으로써 문화적 다양성을 실현하고 사회적 통합을 유도할 수 있는 현실적인 대안 출현의 제도적 기반을 마련하는 것을 의미한다.

Part One: Multicultural Education: Theoretical Perspectives and Issues * Multicultural Education: Dimensions and Paradigms, James A. Banks * Critical Multiculturalism and Education, Stephen May * Worldwide Population Movements, Diversity, and Education, Stephen Castles * Globalization, Immigration, and Schooling, Marcelo Suarez-Orozco and Carola Suarez-Orozco Part Two: Multicultural Education and Diversity Across Nations * Multicultural Education in the United States: Historical Realities, Ongoing Challenges, and Transformative Possibilities, Sonia Nieto * Multicultural Education Policy in Canada: Competing Ideologies, Interconnected Discourses, Reva Joshee * Multicultural Education in Australia: Two Generations of Evolution, Christine Inglis * Multicultural Education in the United Kingdom, Sally Tomlinson * From Intercultural Education to the Inclusion of Diversity: Theories and Policies in Europe, Cristina Allemann-Ghionda * Multicultural Education in South Africa, Crain Soudien * Multicultural Education in Japan, Yasu Hirasawa Part Three: Race, Intergroup Relations, and Schooling * Critical Perspectives on Race and Schooling, David Gillborn and Deborah Youdell * The Nature and Origins of Children's Racial Attitudes, Rebecca S. Bigler and Julie Milligan Hughes * Modifying Children's Racial Attitudes, Frances E. Aboud * Education Programs for Improving Intergroup Relations between Palestinians and Jews in Israel, Zvi Bekerman * Multicultural Education for Young Children, Patricia G. Ramsey Part Four: Culture, Teaching, and Learning * Cultural Influences on Learning, Carol D. Lee * Socialization, Literacy, and Empowerment, Thor Ola Engen Part Five: The Education of Indigenous Groups * Connecting the Circle in American Indian Education, Donna Deyhle and Karen Gayton Comeau * Indigenous Education in Peru, Maria Elena Garcia * The Struggle to Educate the Maori in New Zealand, Wally Penetito Part Six: Citizenship, Immigration, and Education * Diversity, Group Identity, and Citizenship Education in a Global Age, James A. Banks * Education, Integration, and Citizenship in France, Eva Lemaire * Citizenship Education in France and England: Contrasting Approaches to National Identity and Diversity, Audrey Osler and Hugh Starkey * Democracy, Antiracism, and Citizenship Education in England and Sweden, Hugh Starkey and Audrey Osler * Diversity and Citizenship Education in Bulgaria, Hristo Kyuchukov Part Seven: Language, Culture, Identity, and Education * Language, Culture, and Identity Issues Across Nations, Suzanne Romaine * Language Policies and Language Education in Francophone Africa: A Critique and a Call to Action, Hassana Alidou * Language Education Policy in Multi-Ethnic Malaysia, Saran Kaur Gill Part Eight: Religion, Culture, Identity, and Education * Cultural Diversity, Muslims, and Education in France and England: Two Contrasting Models in Western Europe, Nasar Meer, Valerie Sala Pala, Tariq Modood, and Patrick Simon * Religion, Culture, Language, and Education in India, Reva Joshee and Karen Sihra * Islamic Religious Education and Muslim Religiosity in Singapore, Mukhlis Abu Bakar * Religion, Ethnicity, and Identity in Indonesian Education, Joel C. Kuipers and Ella Yulaelawati Part Nine: The Education of Ethnic and Cultural Minority Groups in Europe * Migrant Minority Groups in Germany: Success and Failure in Education, Sigrid Luchtenberg * The Education of Ethnic, Racial, and Cultural Minority Groups in Spain, Teresa Aguado * Ethnic and Cultural Groups and Educational Policies in Russia, Isak D. Froumin and Andrei Zakharov Part Ten: The Education of Ethnic and Cultural Minority Groups in Asia and Latin America * The Education of Ethnic Minority Groups in China, Gerard A. Postiglione * Social Inequality as a Barrier to Multicultural Education in Latin America, Martin Carnoy * Achieving Quality Education for Indigenous Peoples and Blacks in Brazil, Petronilha Beatriz Goncalves e Silva and Sonia Stella Araujo-Olivera * The Education of Ethnic Minority Groups in Mexico, Sonia Stella Araujo-Olivera and Petronilha Beatriz Goncalves e Silva

The massive concentration of the Albanian migration over a short period of time has marked this particular flow as a unique case. Greece has been the destination par excellence of Albanian out-migration, while 60 percent of the country's foreign immigrants come solely from Albania. Greek public opinion, Greek media and the state have viewed immigrants and Albanians in particular, first, with suspicion and resentment, then with a utilitarian and paternalist spirit, since the latter, post-2004, were perceived as beneficial to the country's economy. This shift together with the changes brought to the ethno-national structure of the foreign population of Greece due to the entrance of new immigrants from Asia and Africa in the mid-2000s, had a significant impact on the perception of the Albanians by the dominant society. From scapegoats they were until the early 2000s, at the end of the decade they become the 'good' and integrated immigrants of the Greek society. The purpose of this article is to demonstrate that this 'integration' is only integration by name. For this purpose, I draw on an empirical study conducted in 2005-2006 in Greece, as well as on the relevant literature. My argument starts from a brief overview of the Greek immigration policy that has opened 'Pandora's Box' for the hostile perception of the Albanians. Then, I try to discuss the reasons that brought a shift to this perception and why the Albanians are currently thought to be the most integrated foreign population of Greece. Finally, I distinguish three preconditions that - according to me - permit discussions to go freely on the issue of the successful integration of Albanian immigrants in Greece.

This paper investigates the connection between national immigration policy and a society’s attitudes towards immigration. It argues that a country’s immigration policy framework plays an important role in the formation of attitudes towards immigration by shaping the local national context of the receiving country. It examines the influence of a country’s immigration policy framework by contrasting two countries – Australia and Germany – that developed remarkably different immigration policies in response to large immigration movements during the post-war period. We explore attitudes towards immigration on four dimensions: (1) the national economy, (2) the labour market, (3) the national culture, and (4) the level of immigrant influx. The analyses reveal three main findings. First, people in Australia tend to display more positive attitudes towards immigration than in Germany. Second, in both countries, attitudes towards immigration tend to be influenced in a similar way by an individual’s socio-economic background and feelings of national identity (in the form of nationalism and patriotism). Third, immigration policy represents a strong indicator of attitudes towards immigration. We found that the planned integrative immigration policy in Australia supports the formation of more positive attitudes towards immigration by influencing people’s perception on the economic and socio-cultural impacts of immigration.

Immigration and the resulting increasing ethnic diversity have become an important characteristic of advanced industrialised countries. At the same time, the majority of the countries in question are confronted with structural transformation such as deindustrialisation and changes in family structures as well as economic downturn, which limit the capacities of nation-states in addressing rising inequality and supporting those individuals at the margins of the society. This paper addresses both issues, immigration and inequality, by focusing on immigrants’ socio-economic incorporation into the receiving societies of advanced industrialised countries. The aim of this paper is to explain cross-national variation in immigrants’ poverty risks. Drawing on the political economy as well as the migration literature, the paper develops a theoretical framework that considers how the impact of the national labour market and welfare system on immigrants’ poverty risks is moderated by the integration policies, which regulate immigrants’ access to the labour market and social programs (or immigrants’ economic and social rights). The empirical analysis draws on income surveys as well as a newly collected data set on economic and social rights of immigrants in 19 advanced industrialised countries, including European countries as well as Australia, and North America, for the year 2007. As the results from multilevel analysis show, integration policies concerning immigrants’ access to the labour market and social programs can partly explain cross-national variations in immigrants’ poverty risks. In line with the hypothesis, stricter labour market regulations such as minimum wage setting reduce immigrants’ poverty risks stronger in countries where they are granted easier access to the labour market. However, concerning the impact of more generous social programs the reductive poverty effect is stronger in countries with less inclusive access of immigrants to social programs. The paper concludes by discussing possible explanations for this puzzling finding.

This paper probes into the integration conditions the third-country nationals currently enjoy in Germany, the UK, Greece and Italy. The analysis is based on recent data provided by the Eurostat and Migration Policy Index. Based on a set of indicators concerning labour markets, education, health, family reunion, long-term residence, political participation, access to nationality and anti-discrimination, as pointed out at the 2010 EU Council, the paper notes significant divergences between the selected Member States vis-a-vis the EU norms and conditions on that score.

In his contribution, Joppke justifies his selection of foundational scholars by linking each to what he sees as the three key facets of citizenship: status, rights and identity. Maarten Vink explicitly links his research agenda to the first, status, and outlines why it is so important. In identifying three facets of citizenship, Joppke acknowledges that some academics would include political participation, but he ultimately decides against it. But here we can, and should, broaden citizenship studies by bringing in insights from the behavioral politics tradition in domestic politics - when and why people engage in political acts - and from the social movements literature in sociology. I believe that the American debate on immigration reform, admittedly stalled, would not have advanced as far as it has without the social movement activism of DREAMers - unauthorized young people pushing for a path to citizenship - and the belief that Barack Obama won re-election in part because of the Latino vote. Importantly, one type of political activism demands formal citizenship, the other does not. As many contributors note, the “national models” approach has had a significant impact on citizenship studies. Whether one views such models through a cultural, institutional or historical lens, this tends to be a top-down, macro-level framework. What about immigrants’ agency? In Canada, although the ruling Conservative government is shifting citizenship discourse to a more traditional language - as Winter points out - it has not reduced immigration, ended dual citizenship, or eliminated multiculturalism, all goals of the Reform Party that the current prime minister once helped build. “Lock-in” effects (or policy feedback loops) based on high immigrant naturalization and the coming of age of a second-generation with citizenship also d emands study, in North America and elsewhere. Much of the research thus far suggests that political decisions over citizenship status and rights do not seem linked to immigrants’ political activism. State-centered decision-making may have characterized policy in the early post-World War II period in Europe (and East Asia?), but does it continue to hold today? Majority publics and immigrant-origin residents are increasingly politicized around citizenship and immigration. Does immigrant agency extend citizenship status, rights and identity to those born outside the polity? Is electoral power key, or is protest necessary? How is citizenship practiced, and contested, irrespective of formal status? These are important and understudied empirical questions, ones that demand theoretical creativity - across sub-fields and disciplines - in conceptualizing and understanding citizenship in contemporary times.

In this chapter, we explain the notion of multiculturalism as it manifests in social and business studies. Drawing on examples from the UK and Germany, we elaborate why there is a need to reframe multiculturalism, liberating it from its limiting macro-political conceptualisation. Multiculturalism is a concept, which has been widely used in social policy in response to ethnic diversity in the UK. Although multiculturalism has not been used as a social policy term in Germany, present political and public debates suggest its failure. We examine multiculturalism in the context of work in Britain and Germany, two countries with distinctly different approaches to social policy to address ethnic differences. In the main multiculturalism is a macro-political concept. However, multiculturalism acts as a frame of reference in the formation of the equality legislation, public sentiment and organisational responses towards ethnic diversity. Using the example of the UK and Germany, we demonstrate why we need an expanded conception of multiculturalism if this concept is to survive as a successful social policy and management term.