Abstract

California, a targeted random telephone survey, political pundits, and other minority scholars. The discussion draws on sociological studies of changing racial attitudes (Bobo 1983, Fairbaugh and Davis 1988, Sears et al. 1979, and Shuman et al. 1985) and variable perceptions of racial and ethnographic boundaries. As one who began to reintroduce the term African American before the Rev. Jesse Jackson formally called for this adoption (Baugh 1988), I didn't anticipate the sudden impact that he would have on this linguistic change in progress. During ceremonies in honor of Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr., Jackson stated, 'Just as we were called colored, but were not that, and then Negro, but not that, to be called Black is just as baseless. Every ethnic in this country has reference to some cultural base. African Americans have hit that level of maturity (1988). Punditsjumped at the bait, and a journalistic frenzy ensued; few dialectologists were consulted during the media blitz, resulting in predictably false prophecies, for example, If this label sticks, it will be the first time in U.S. history that an ethnic leader has SINGLE-HANDEDLY changed the name commonly applied to his or her group (Freund 1989; emphasis added). Readers who are familiar with vernacular African American culture (VAAC) will see the obvious flaw in the preceding assertion, because the Rev. Mr. Jackson did not initiate this dialogue.2 Bennett discusses the temporal and ethnographic dimensions of this process: In periods of reaction and extreme stress, black people usually turn inward. They begin to redefine themselves and they begin to argue seriously about names (1967, 50).3 Bennett's remarks are reinforced by Rafky (1970), who observes that some black activists and black intellectuals were outspoken

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