Abstract

The long-standing public image of Japan’s aid is that its strong commercial orientation is an endemic shortcoming (Lincoln 1993, 111; Orr 1993, 69–70; Rix 1993, 13; Lancaster 2007, 100), while on the other hand, there is some literature claiming that there is an insufficient basis for such criticism (Islam 1993, 331–51, 367; Pharr 1994, 171–72; Drifte 1996, 114–16). Many observers also claim that Japan’s aid has demonstrated significant changes, particularly since the introduction of the Official Development Assistance (ODA) Charter in 1992 (Arase 1994; Lancaster 2007, 123–26; Pharr 1994, 167–69), which articulated the will to address the global agenda, including environmental conservation, arms spending, democratization, and human rights. According to the mainstream view, the changes show Japan’s pursuit of convergence with the practices of the rest of the world (Lancaster 2007, 126–27). However, the reality is more complicated, as Japan’s aid has persistently maintained its traditional characteristics, in which a high priority is given to infrastructure and the majority still goes to Asia.

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