The Policy Process and Social Policy in Japan

The hall was filled to overcapacity for all five days of the event. Sixty-four survivors from nine countries (South Korea, North Korea, the People's Republic of China, Taiwan, the Philippines, the ...

Book reviews

A central theme of much recent international political economy (IPE) scholarship has been the question of what determines compliance with international regulatory regimes.1 The contemporary debate ...

Book reviews

Book reviews

Book reviews

Reviews of Books

Book reviews

The History of Political and Social Concepts: A Critical Introduction. By Melvin Richter (New York and Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1995), vii + 204 pp., £ 35 cloth. The Life of Adam Smith. By Ian Simpson Ross (Oxford: Clarendon, 1995) xxviii + 495 pp. £25.00 cloth. Martin Heidegger and the Holocaust. Edited by Alan Milchman and Alan Rosenberg (Atlantic Highlands, NJ: Humanities Press International, 1996) xiv + 271 pp. $60.00 cloth. The Making of Portuguese Democracy. By Kenneth Maxwell (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995), 250 pp. £14.95/$19.95 paper. Engineering the Revolution: Arms and Enlightenment in France, 1763–1815. By Ken Alder (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1997), xvi + 476 pp. $59.50/£45 cloth. The Wars of Eduard Shevardnaze. By Carolyn McGiffert Ekedahl and Melvin A. Goodman (Unversity Park, PA: Pennsylvania State Press, 1997), xxiii + 331 pp. $29.95/£26.95 cloth. The Legacy of the French Revolution. Edited by Ralph C. Hancock and L. Gary Lambert (Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield, 1996), viii + 299 pp. $19.95 paper. Suffering and the Remedy of Art. By Harold Schweizer (State University of New York Press, 1997), xii +211 pp. $17.95 paper. Intimacy and Exclusion: Religious Politics in Pre‐Revolutionary Baden. By Dagmar Herzog (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1996), x + 252 pp. $49.50/£42.50 cloth, $16.95/£13.95 paper. In Search of Dreamtime: The Quest for the Origin of Religion. By Tomoko Masuzawa (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1993), 223 pp. $15.95 paper. Courtship, Illegitimacy and Marriage in Early Modern England. By Richard Adair (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1996), ix + 273 pp. £40 cloth. Correlation and Regression Analysis: A Historian's Guide. By Thomas J. Archdeacon (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1994), xxi + 352 pp. $44.95 cloth, $19.95 paper. Unified Theories of Cognition. By Allen Newell (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1994), xiii + 549 pp. $19.95 paper. Discipline and Experience: The Mathematical Way in the Scientific Revolution. By Peter Dear (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1995), xii + 290 pp. $60.00 cloth, $24.00 paper. The Transformation of Natural Philosophy: The case of Philip Melanchthon. By Sachiko Kusukawa (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995), xv + 246 pp. $59.95/£35.00 cloth. Otto Neurath: Philosophy Between Science and Politics. By Nancy Cartwright, Jordi Cat, Lola Fleck, and Thomas E. Uebel (Cambrdige: Cambridge University Press, 1996), xii + 288 pp. $59.95/£35.00 cloth. Aramis or The Love of Technology. By Bruno Latour. Translated by Catherine Porter (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1996), x + 314 pp. $45.00 cloth, $19.95 paper. Galileo on the World Systems: A New Abridged Translation and Guide. Translated and edited by Maurice A. Finocchiaro (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1997), xi + 435 pp. $55.00 cloth, $19.95 paper. Europe's Economy Looks East: Implications for Germany and the European Union. Edited by Stanley W. Black (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1997), xvi + 363 pp. £45.00/$ 64.95 cloth. The Transformation of Capitalist Society. By Zellig S. Harris (Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield, 1997), xiii + 245 pp. £19.50 paper. Bloodtaking and Peacemaking: Feud, Law, and Society in Saga Iceland. By William Ian Miller (Chicago: Chicago University Press, 1997), xii + 407 pp. $17.95 paper. From Virgil to Vietnam: The Founding Legend of Western Civilization. By Richard Waswo (Hanover: University Press of New England, 1997), xvi + 356 pp. n.p.g. cloth. Reading Seminar XI: Lacan's Four Fundamental Concepts of Psychoanalysis. Edited by Richard Feldstein, Bruce Fink, and Maire Jaanus (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1995), xv + 291 pp. $16.95 paper. Nature and the Idea of a Man‐Made World: An Investigation into the Evolutionary Roots of Form and Order in the Built Environment. By Norman Crowe (Cambridge: MIT Press, 1995 hardback, 1997 paper), 270 pp. $17.50 paper. The Gothic Body: Sexuality, Materialism and Degeneracy at the Fin de Siècle. By Kelly Hurley (Cambridge University Press, 1996), xii + 203 pp. £30.00 $49.95 cloth. Russia's Constitutional Revolution: Legal Consciousness and the Transition to Democracy 1985–1996. By Robert B. Ahdieh (University Park, PA: Pennsylvania State University Press, 1997), viii + 255 pp. £26.95 $30.00 cloth, £13.50 $14.95 paper. Hunters and Collectors: the Antiquarian Imagination in Australia. By Tom Griffiths (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996), xiv + 416 pp. £45.00/$64.95 cloth. Persecution, Extermination, Literature. By Sem Dresden, trans. by Henry G. Schogt (University of Toronto Press 1995), viii + 237 pp. N. America $45.00 cloth, $17.95 paper, Europe $54 cloth, $2.55 paper. Essays on the Anthropology of Reason. By Paul Rabinow (Princeton: Princeton University Press 1996), vxii + 190 pp. $49.50 £40.00 cloth, $14.95 paper. Dissolution: The Crisis of Communism and the End of East Germany. By Charles S. Maier (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1997), xx + 441 pp. $29.95 cloth. History: What & Why?: Ancient, Modern and Postmodern Perspectives. By Beverley Southgate (London and New York: Routledge, 1996), xii + 167 pp. £11.99 paper. Genealogies of the Text: Literature, Psychoanalysis, and Politics in Modern France. By Jeffrey Mehlman (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995), xi + 262 pp. $59.95 cloth. Launching Europe: An Ethnography of European Cooperation in Space Science. By Stacia E. Zabusky (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1995), xii + 257 pp. $17.95 paper/$49.50 cloth. Elizabeth Gaskell: The Early Years. By John Chapple (Manchester and New York: Manchester University Press, 1997), xviii + 492 pp. £25.00 cloth. Adam Ferguson: An Essay on the History of Civil Society. Edited by Fania Oz‐Salzberger (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995), xxxv + 283 pp. £37.50/$54.95 cloth. Greek Heroine Cults. By Jennifer Larson (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1995) xv + 235 pp., £33.50 cloth, £16.00 paper. Florence Nightingale: Letters from the Crimea 1854–1856. Edited by Sue M. Goldie (Oxford: Mandolin, 1997), xx + 326 pp. £9.00 paper. A History of Heaven: The Singing Silence. By Jeffrey Burton Russell (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1997), xv + 220 pp. $24.95 cloth. Heidegger's Silence. By Berel Lang (Ithaca and London: Cornell University Press, 1996), xi + 129 pp. $19.95 cloth. Simon de Montfort. By J. R. Maddicott (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996), xxiii + 404 pp., 14.95/ $24.95 paper. Communities of Violence: Persecutions of Minorities in the Middle Ages. By David Nirenberg (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1996), viii + 301 pp. $29.95/£23.95, cloth.

BRUCE ROBELLET KUNIHOLM. The Origins ofthe Cold War in the Near East; Great Power Conflict and Diplomacy in Iran, Turkey, and Greece. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1980. Pp. XXIII, 485. $27.50 (US). Reviewed by Brian L. Villa ROBERT WOHL. The Generation 1914. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1979. Pp. IX, 307. $17.50 (US). Reviewed by Stephen R. Graubard R.J.B. BOSWORTH. Italy, The Least of the Great Powers: Italian Foreign Policy Before the First World War. New York: Cambridge University Press, 1979. Pp. 532. $59.50 (US). Reviewed by Richard A. Webster THOMAS L. SAKMYSTER. Hungary, the Great Powers and the Danubian Crisis, 1936–1939. Athens: The University of Georgia Press, 1980. Pp. 298. $20.00 (US). Reviewed by Peter F. Sugar JEFFREY P. MASS. The Development of Kamakura Rule 1180–1250: A History with Documents. Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1979. Pp. XV, 312. $18.50 (US). Reviewed by Shuzo Uyenaka AARON DAVID MILLER. Search for Security: Saudi Arabian Oil and American Foreign Policy, 1939–1949. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1980. Pp. xvii, 320. $19.00 (US) Reviewed by Mira Wilkins MARC TRACHTENBERG. Reparation in World Politics: France and European Economic Diplomacy, 1916–1923. New York: Columbia University Press, 1980. Pp. x, 423. $25.00 (US). Reviewed by Frederic Seager LAWRENCE J. BAACK. Christian Bernstorffand Prussia: Diplomacy and Reform Conservatism, 1818–1832. New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press, 1980. Pp. XI, 379. $25.00 (US). Reviewed by Arthur G. Haas WOODRUFF D. SMITH. The German Colonial Empire. Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina Press, 1978. Pp. XI, 274. $16.00 (US). Reviewed by Hartmut Pogge Von Strandmann PHYLLIS KELLER. States of Belonging: German-American Intellectuals and the First World War. Cambridge, MA and London: Harvard University Press, 1979. Pp. 324. $17.50 (US). Reviewed by Frank Eyck IRWIN F. GELLMAN. Good Neighbor Diplomacy. United States Policies in Latin America, 1933–l945. Baltimore and London: The Johns Hopkins University Press, 1979. Pp. XII, 296. $18.50 (US). Reviewed by Stephen J. Randall PATRICIA DAWSON WARD. The Threat of Peace: James F. Byrnes and the Council of Foreign Ministers, 1945–1946. Kent, Ohio: Kent State University Press, 1979. Pp. X, 227. $12.50 (US). Reviewed by Robert L. Messer LOUIS STEIN. Beyond Death and Exile: The Spanish Republicans in France, 1939–1955. Cambridge, MA, and London: Harvard University Press, 1979. Pp. VIII, 306. $20.00 (US). Reviewed by Stanley G. Payne MEIR MICHAELIS. Mussolini and the Jews: German-Italian Relations and the Jewish Question in Italy, 1922–1945. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1978. Pp. XII, 472. $52.50 (Can.) Reviewed by Esmonde Robertson GEORGE F. KENNAN. The Decline of Bismarck's European Order: Franco-Russian Relations, 1875–1890. Princeton, New Jersey: Princeton University Press, 1979. Pp. XII, 466. $25.00 (US). Reviewed by D. Stevenson DAVID E. KAISER. Economic Diplomacy and the Origins of the Second World War. Germany, Britain, France, and Eastern Europe 1930–1939. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1980. Pp. 364. $25.00 (US) (cloth) $12.00 (US) (paper). Reviewed by W. Carr JOHN O. IATRIDES, ed.Ambassador MacVeagh Reports: Greece, 1933–1947. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1980. Pp. XI, 769. $35.00 (US). Reviewed by Bruce R. Kuniholm MICHAEL ROBERTS. British Diplomacy and Swedish Politics 1758–1773. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1980. Pp. XXV, 528. $29.50 (US). Reviewed by Isabel De Madariaga

Click to increase image sizeClick to decrease image size ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I thank Simon May for substantially improving this article with his many helpful suggestions. Thanks also to an anonymous reviewer for prompting me to clarify the article in several important respects. Notes 1. This might not be true of theories that are truly ‘purely procedural’ in Rawls' sense, in that they claim that outcomes are just so long as they are produced by the proper procedures (Citation1999: §14, 75). Such theories could not argue that rights‐respecting outcomes were more just than any other outcomes with the proper procedural pedigree. I doubt there are any adherents to such a purely procedural theory—certainly Jeremy Waldron and Thomas Christiano, noted proceduralists, are not purely procedural in this sense. I should emphasise that when Brettschneider discusses ‘purely procedural’ theories of democracy he does not necessarily mean to invoke Rawls' sense of the term. Brettschneider appears to understand the pure procedural claim as a claim that proper procedural pedigree guarantees that an outcome is democratic or legitimate—not necessarily just (Citation2007: 11–12, 145). Thus, these theories (like those of Waldron or Christiano) are compatible with claims that rights‐respecting outcomes are most just, even if rights‐violating outcomes might be equally democratic or legitimate. 2. For the purposes of this discussion, I use ‘permissible’ and ‘justifiable’ interchangeably, so assume that coercion is permissible if and only if it is justifiable. I believe this is consistent with Brettschneider's usage. 3. Conceivably, the value theory might claim as an advantage that it is more parsimonious than competitor theories—that is, while it reaches the same conclusions, it does so using fewer or less controversial assumptions. Given how much moral content Brettschneider builds into the core values of democracy, however, including robust conceptions of autonomy, equality and reciprocity (Citation2007: 23–6), the theory is not especially parsimonious. So it must claim some substantive advantage over its alternatives. 4. Another way in which Brettschneider's project might make a practical difference is in its evaluation of political procedures themselves. Shifting our understanding of democracy might change our evaluation of which procedures—for instance, judicial review—might be suitably democratic. To the extent that this shift is merely nominal, it might just prompt opponents of judicial review to insist, not that decision‐making institutions be ‘democratic’ in Brettschneider's expansive sense, but that they satisfy requirements of political equality understood in narrower procedural terms. Unfortunately, I do not have the space to discuss Brettschneider's defence of judicial review; I only note here that we should attend to whether describing the relevant value conflicts as ‘intra‐democratic’ in that case substantially changes the nature of the debates. 5. By ‘non‐democratic’ here I only mean ‘not especially or uniquely democratic’. I do not mean to imply any inconsistency with democracy. 6. This issue has been discussed in the literature on retributivism. See, e.g., Murphy (Citation1985). 7. Here I paraphrase Rawls (Citation2005: xlii). 8. I do not say that Rawls, or the best reconstruction of Rawls' theory, requires a commitment to retributivism; I only argue here that retributivist arguments are not ruled out by such theories on the grounds that the arguments are inappropriately comprehensive as opposed to political. In some brief comments in A Theory of Justice, Rawls seems to reject retributive accounts of penal sanctions, at least so far as ideal theory is concerned, though his reasons have little to do with supposed doctrinal partisanship (Citation1999: 211–12). 9. Brettschneider rather quickly dismisses utilitarianism and other ‘aggregate conceptions of equality’ (Citation2007: 64) as incompatible with ‘democracy's public reason’. I am not sure if he would extend this logic to, say, a rejection of general deterrence arguments for the (fallible) death penalty. Compare T. M. Scanlon's discussion of aggregation (Citation1998: 229–41). Scanlon's views, and those of political contractualists like Rawls, do not obviously preclude general deterrence arguments, but the question requires much more discussion than I can provide here. In any case, few defences of punishment today rely only on deterrence considerations. See, e.g., Berman (Citation2008), especially note 1 and surrounding text. 10. Supposing that justification requires an indefinitely persisting person to whom justification is owed may result from inadvertently smuggling fallibility concerns into one's thinking—i.e., concerns that new reasons may emerge why this person should not be punished, which reasons would occasion a demand for further justification of any proposed execution (a kind of moral version of a judicial appeal or re‐hearing). For purposes of Brettschneider's second argument, however, we set aside such fallibility worries. 11. Brettschneider attributes this absurd idealism to Rousseau in part because he attributes to Rousseau the idea that ‘citizenship cannot be alienated’ (Citation2007: 111), and so the idea that the convict remains a citizen despite being killed. But Rousseau is clear in book II, chapter 5 of The Social Contract that the convicted criminal ‘ceases to be a member’ of society (Citation1987: 159). So there is no reason to think that the citizen survives the natural person. The misattribution may be due to Brettschneider's conflation of the inalienability of citizenship (which Rousseau does not support) with the inalienability of a claim to justification (which Rousseau does support, at least in this context of criminally punishing citizens). For the possible conflation, see Brettschneider (Citation2007: 110). 12. I thank Simon May for suggesting this point.

Teaching and Learning Guide for: Interpreting Magic and Divination in the Ancient Near East and Magic and Divination in Ancient Israel

Focus Questions How does the history of East Central European borderlands complicate traditional links (in both scholarship and politics) between nationality, ethnicity, language, and citizenship? Historians, as the article suggests, are increasingly interested in ‘transnational’ history, or histories which seem to transcend national borders and nationalist frameworks. In the case of German history, does this trend seem more likely to ‘normalize’ Germany’s past, downplaying the role of the Holocaust, or to emphasize so‐called German ‘peculiarities’ or ‘pathologies’? Author Recommends * Rogers Brubaker, Ethnicity Without Groups (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2004).This collection of theoretical essays suggests some of the dangers of what Brubaker calls ‘groupism’ in the social sciences‐assuming that historical subjects belonged to collectives they would not necessarily have identified with themselves. * Jeremy King, Budweisers into Czechs and Germans: A Local History of Bohemian Politics (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2003).A study of the relationships and intersections between local, imperial, and national loyalties in one Bohemian town between 1848–1948. King challenges many traditional assumptions about the development of nationalist politics in East Central Europe, particularly the idea that ‘ethnicities’ came before ‘nations.’ He shows how national affiliation in the Bohemian Lands typically reflected political choices rather than pre‐existing ethnic or cultural differences. Also excellent as a general narrative of East Central European political history in the 19th and 20th centuries. * Pieter Judson, Guardians of the Nation: Activists on the Language Frontier of Imperial Austria (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2007).Judson’s study of nationalist activism on the so‐called ‘language frontiers’ of East Central Europe offers a challenge to traditional accounts of East Central European history as a story of escalating nationalist conflict which culminated in ethnic cleansing. This book focuses on the failures and frustrations of nationalist activists as they mobilized to make loyal nationalist activists out of local populations which were often bilingual, nationally ambivalent, or completely indifferent to nationalism. * Thomas Bender (ed.), Rethinking American History in a Global Age (Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 2002).This collection of essays situates American history in a global or transnational context. It includes both theoretical reflections on the value of transnational or global history and examples of what such a history might look like in practice.Online Materials 1. Integrated History http://www.einaudi.cornell.edu/europe/integrated_history/contact.asp An online archive of primary sources on the history of East‐Central Europe for educators, students, and scholars. 2. American Bibliography of Slavic and East European Studies http://www.library.uiuc.edu/absees/ Searchable bibliography of academic works published on Eastern Europe since 1990.

Temporal Discounting Predicts Risk Sensitivity in Rhesus Macaques

Growing economic inequality has been recognized as a serious problem that needs to be solved in Japan. However, there is disagreement about the point at which inequality becomes intolerable and how much the government should intervene to reduce inequality. How do political elites and ordinary citizens perceive current inequalities, and what stance do they take on addressing them? A wide gap between the attitudes of these two groups would suggest that the political elite in Japan do not adequately represent the citizens. Therefore, based on survey data, this study’s aim was to compare political elites’ and citizens’ views on equality. Analysis revealed congruence in equality views among the elite groups heavily involved in policy formation, such as the ruling party, bureaucrats, business leaders, and citizens with high incomes and prominent occupations. These groups tend to perceive the status quo as being equal, tolerate social inequality, and endorse “individual self-reliance.” The results highlight that in contemporary Japan, a higher stratum of society is correlated with higher responsiveness from the mainstream elite in policy formation related to equality, suggesting that political processes may perpetuate economic inequality.