Abstract
AbstractThe current resurgence and reinforcement of populists in many countries has profited not only from various real or imagined crises (e.g., 2015-present refugee crisis in Europe or the caravan of migrants in Latin America heading to the United States), but also from how established political parties and polities have addressed these crises, which have disenfranchised, in a de facto manner, a significant portion of the population. Former Greek finance minister and Professor of Economics at the University of Athens, Yanis Varoufakis, notes that President Trump’s election, Brexit, and the resurgence of right-wing political parties in Germany, Austria & other countries are not new in history, but merely “a post-modern variant of the 1930s, complete with deflation, xenophobia, and divide-and-rule politics” (Varoufakis 2016). Populist movements have found and instrumentalized compelling issues, such as emission reduction, to gain political importance.
Highlights
anti-intellectualism and the emergence of the post-truth era, climate science, which has initiated political discussions on climate protection, is being delegitimized by actors in various directions, which is often not hard to do, due to the complexity and uncertainty of climate change as well as due to the conceptual and methodological limitations of scientific methods
The theoretical framework of the case study on the Philippines has provided an understanding of how institutional activism can both inhibit and promote sustainable, low-carbon transformation
Looking at the ‘negotiative’ requirement of sustainable, low-carbon transformation, the benefits and risks of institutional activism are highly contingent upon existing power relations and structures as well as on the level of capacity and autonomy of the state
Summary
Climate change is evident in the Philippines. From 1951 to 2010, the Philippines’ annual mean temperature increased by 0.65 degrees Celsius with a mean rate of 0.01 degree Celsius per year. Lopez removed the basic symmetry of the negotiatory situation with her mining policies, interest groups representing the mining sector and those local government units negatively affected shifted the bargaining to the hearings of the CA, where she could not eliminate procedural equality She had no effective leverage in the CA hearings aside from the procedural power of President Duterte, who could re-appoint her any time the CA rejected her confirmation, until the end of his term in 2022. Looking at the case of institutional activism in the Philippines and how it compared to the ideal type, the context of (weak) governance in the country suggests that in order to facilitate sustainable, low-carbon transformation, major changes in governance structures are needed. Doing so would have required her to deal with how to make a productive government office with people who may not have been in the right type of work due to the abrupt changes she made
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