The origin of Scythian caldrons in the context of the late Bronze − Early Iron Age of Eurasia

Sacrificial Tradition and Religion during the Early Iron Age in South Scandinavia – with Special Reference to Settlement SacrificesSacrificial customs and religion during the Early Iron Age (500 BC–400 AD) has occupied archaeologists from the infancy of archaeology. Most would probably agree that the religion was primarily fertility related, originating as it was in the existing peasant society. The literature does not reflect any disagreement about the religion of the Early Iron Age being polytheistic and consequently concerned a variety of gods. However, it is still unknown how the religion was integrated in the everyday life, and under which conditions it was practiced.The research interest and the overall synthesis framework have especially addressed sacrifices in bogs and wetlands (for instance weapon sacrifices, bog bodies, deposited earthenware, anthropomorphic wooden figures, domestic animals, cauldrons, ring sacrifices, etc.). Strongly simplified, the existing consensus may be expressed in one single sentence: The overall society-related sacrificial traditions develop from being almost exclusively connected with wetland areas during the Early Iron Age (until c.400 AD) to being primarily connected with dry land after this time, cf. Fig. 1.The question is whether – based on the intense data collection over the recent decades – archaeology can or should maintain this very simple picture of the development of the sacrificial traditions and the religions during the Iron Age? Is it possible that we – rooted in for instance narrow definitions of sacrificial finds, habitual thinking, and a “delusion” consisting of the numerous well-preserved, well-documented, spectacular, and impressive finds of bog sacrifices – fail to see numerous forms of deposits, which (as opposed to the impressive finds of sacrifices in bogs) are hidden in the archaeological material?The settlements of the Iron Age have been excavated in large numbers over the recent decades, and it is the ritual finds from these localities that provide the background for this article.The ritual deposits from the settlements can be divided into two superior groups distinguished by the physical context. One comprises sacrifices made to constructions, which are characterized by being directly connected to a specific structure; the other encompasses settlement sacrifices that are to a higher degree characterized by an overriding affiliation to the settlement. The establishment of a sacrifice definition suitable for scanning the archaeological material for relevant finds is of vital importance. As the definition should not beforehand restrict the search through the material, it is important not to narrow the basis by concentrating only on the physical characteristics of the individual artefacts. The general idea behind the present presentation is that the different ritual dimensions of a society are internally connected as they function within the same overall conventions and, as a consequence, make up parts of a general mental structure, which can leave physically recognizable traces across the different ritual dimensions, cf. Fig. 2. This principal viewpoint creates a theoretical starting point for my work and the established definition of sacrificial finds: All intentionally deposited objects, which analytically show significant similarities as regards their physical appearance and/or their deposition context with other recognized ritual objects/contexts, and which are closely connected to these in time and space, should, when analysed, be considered sacrificial finds.The British religious historian, Ninian Smart, describes religion as consisting of seven thematically describing situations, which – albeit not completely unconnected – may be described individually:1) A dogmatic and philosophical dimension, comprising doctrine systems.2) A mythical and narrative dimension, comprising tales of the deities, of the creation, etc.3) An ethical and judicial dimension, comprising the consequences of the religion in relation to the shaping of the life of the individual.4) A social and institutional dimension comprising organisations and institutions that tie together the individual religious society.5) An empirical and emotional dimension comprising the individual’s experience of god and the divine.6) A ritual and practical dimension comprising prayer, sacrifices, worship, etc.7) A materiel dimension comprising architecture, art, sacred places, buildings, and iconography.As archaeologists, we have a very limited possibility of investigating the very thoughts behind the practiced religion. It is therefore natural to concentrate to a higher extent on the overall setting for it – the ritual dimension and the materiel dimension respectively. The ritual dimension and in particular its sacrificial aspect is traditionally divided into groups characterised by their significance level within the religion as such.1) The first and most “important” group consists of cult rituals. These are characterized by being calendar rites based on the myths of the religion or the history of the people, and by playing a part in the events of the year.2) The next group comprises transition rites (rite de passage), which follow the life cycle of the individual.3) The last group comprises rites of crises, which serve the purpose of averting danger, illness, etc.It is important to realize that the two first ritual groups are predictable cyclic rituals addressing the gods, the myths, and/or the people/the individual respectively. Only the third and least central group of rituals is determined by non-predictable and “not-always” occurring incidences. On this background, it becomes central to analyse, which category one is facing when one wants to assess its importance for the religion as such, in order to evaluate the primary character of the religion.In an attempt to understand the overall importance of a specific ritual practice, one cannot ignore a very complicated problem, which is to evaluate whether the sacrifices were practiced by single individuals or by a larger group of people as part of more common and society-supporting rituals. The issue of the relation between different sacrifice types and the groups causing these has been addressed repeatedly. Often, narrow physical interpretation frames as to who sacrificed what are advanced (i.e. Fig. 3). However, the question is how suitable are these very narrow and rigid interpretation models? As mentioned above, a sacrifice is defined by the intention (context) that caused it rather than by the specific physical form of the object!The above mentioned methodical and theoretical issues provide the background for the author’s investigation of the archaeological sources, in which he focused especially on the relationship between ritual actions as they are expressed in bog deposits and in burial grounds and measured them against the contemporary finds from the settle­ments.The analysis of the archaeological material is based on those find groups (sacrifices of cauldrons, magnificent chariots, humans, animals, metals, and weapons), which have traditionally been presented as a proof that society supporting and more community influenced ritual sacrifices were carried out beside the bogs.The examination of the material supports that sacrifices of cauldrons, magnificent chariots, humans, animals, and earthenware are found in both settlements and wetlands (Figs. 4-12), and that the deposits seem to follow superior ritual conventions, i.e. Fig. 2. The sacrifices were not made in fixed sacred places but in a momentary sacred context, which returns to its daily secular sphere once the rituals have been carried out. Often, the ceremony consists of a ritual cutting up of the sacrificed object, and the pars pro toto principle occurs completely integrated in connection with both burial customs, wetland sacrifice customs, and settlement sacrifice customs. Sacrifices often occur as an expression of a rite de passage connected to the structures, fields, or infrastructure of the village. However, the repeated finds of earthenware vessels, humans, and animals in both wetland areas and in the villages indicates that fertility sacrifices were made regularly as part of the cyclic agricultural world. This places the find groups in a central position when it comes to understanding the religious landscape of the Early Iron Age. In a lot of respects, the settlement finds appear as direct parallel material to the contemporary wetland-related sacrificial custom and so one must assume that major religious events also took place in the settlements, for instance when a human or a cauldron was handed over to the next world. Both the selection of sacrificial objects, the form of depositing, and the preceding ceremonial treatment seem to follow superior ritual structures applying to both funerary rites and wetland sacrifices in Iron Age society.Often, the individual settlement-related sacrificial find seems to be explained by everyday doings, as largely all sacrifice-related objects of the Early Iron Age have a natural affiliation with the settlement and the daily housekeeping. However, it is clear that if the overwhelming amount of data is made subject to a comprehensive and detailed contextual analysis, settlement related find groups and attached action patterns appear, which have direct parallels in the ritual interpretation platform of the bog context. These parallels cannot be explained by pure practical or coincidence-related explanation models!As opposed to ploughed-up Stone Age axe deposits or impressive bronze depots from the Bronze Age and gold depots from the Late Iron Age, a ploughed-up collection of either earthenware, bones, human parts, etc. are not easily explained as sacrificial deposits. However, much indicates that the sacrificial settlement deposits of the Iron Age were not placed very deeply, and so they occur in the arable soil of later times. We

The article presents the results of metallographic analysis of metal objects and rock fragments discovered in the territory of the Kokshetau Upland, which is administratively located within the Akmola region of the Republic of Kazakhstan. The area is of interest since it was a developed mining and metallurgical centre from the second millennium BC, part of the large Eurasian metallurgical province. Judging by the available data, it functioned for a long time. The objective of the study was to identify the features of the metal of products of different historical stages, to determine the continuity and features of the development of metallurgy in a specific and local territory of Northern Eurasia. A total of thirty-six artifacts from sites where stationary excavations or exploration activities were carried out in the period from 2010 to 2022 were analysed. The chronology of the sites from which they were selected refers to a wide period of time from the Late Bronze Age to the Early Saka time and the Hunno-Sarmatian period. Artifacts for analysis were collected in seven sites, which are located in the main mountain forest massifs of the Kokshetau Upland. In the Zerenda Mountains – settlement Shagalaly II and burial mound Shagalaly IV. In the Sandyktau Mountains, three mine workings, near the settlement of the Late Bronze Age. In the Burabay mountain forest massif – burial mound Ulkensor, settlement Akkain, mine working Madeniet, settlement Saule. The largest collections are represented by materials from two settlements of the Late Bronze Age (beginning - second half of the 2nd millennium BC). Six items were from the settlement Shagalaly II - two metal ingots, two bronze jewellery tools, a needle from a bronze rod, a bronze chisel, and a dagger with a plastic blade. A metal sickle-shaped tool, a single-edged plate sickle knife, two single-edged knives with a distinct handle, a single-edged plate knife, a dagger knife belonging to the category of handled knives, and a fragment of a metal knife were from the Akkain settlement. The list includes a knife from a mine working near the village of Madeniet and a defective product from the Saule settlement. In addition, artifacts associated with the metallurgical cycle were analysed – pieces of waste rock, defects, and slag. The Early Saka period (VII - VI centuries BC) is represented by seven arrowheads from a burial in the Ulkensor mound studied in the Burabay district. Also, jewellery from a female late Sarmatian burial in a stone mound studied in the Zerenda district belongs to the Hunno-Sarmatian period (II - IV centuries AD). Thus, all the main historical and chronological periods characterized by bronze metallurgy were presented.

In 2005, a group of objects was ploughed up, comprising a bronze openwork belt, bronze belt parts in the form of a four-spoked wheel, a bronze bell-shaped pendant, the arc of a bimetal fibula, fragment(s) of an iron sword, and part(s) of a horse's iron bit, at the Kalnica site in the village of Nisevac. According to the finder, while ploughing a field, his plough dug up several larger slab-shaped stones, beneath which were found the above objects, as well as fragments of human bones. The most important finds from the Kalnica grave are three parts of a bronze openwork belt (fig. 3a-c) and three bronze belt parts in the form of a four-spoked wheel. According to the finder, the belt was composed of three more belt links, two or three parts in the form of a wheel, and a final segment with a larger round buckle. The links of the belt were cast, with dimensions of 4.2-4.3 cm (length), 2-2.1 cm (height) and 0.6-0.7 cm (width). All three links were made in the same mold, after which they were decorated with perforations, incisions, and points in an identical manner. The circular bronze parts of the belt in the shape of a four-spoked wheel (fig. 3d-f) were cast, with a diametar of 2-2.1 cm, and their height precisely matches the links of the belt. All three circular parts were made in the same mold and then decorated with perforations, incisions, and points. One more item from this group of finds that probably belongs to the belt collection, is a bronze bell-shaped pendant (fig. 4/a), with a height of 4 cm and a diameter of 1.7-1.8 cm. A larger arc of a bimetal fibula was discovered in the grave, with its foot in the shape of an hourglass. The arc is 5.5 cm in width, decorated with dense small ribs. Part of a damaged horse's iron bit 11 x 4.3 cm in dimension was also found in the grave (fig. 4/c). The last find in this collection comprises part of a bent single-bladed iron sword, 11.9 x 4.4 cm (fig. 4/d). In this kind of bent sword, a so-called T end is usually found at the end of the handle/hilt, so we suppose that this sword had such an end. Bearing in mind the chronological classification of all finds from this destroyed grave (fig. 5), the openwork belt from Kalnica could be dated to the end of the VII or the very beginning of the VI centuries BC at the earliest. Such dating in principle agrees with the Ha C2/D1 central-European period, i.e. horizontal 2 according to R. Vasic, since other finds of openwork belts were dated to this period by the same author. Nevertheless, the type II iron bit does raise a slight doubt regarding the dating of the Kalnica belt, since according to M. Werner such belts were dominant in the Ha D2/3 period, i.e. at the end of the first half of the Vth century BC. The find of the composite belt from Kalnica raises several interesting observations. Firstly, the belt differs from most examples previously discovered on the territory of south-eastern Europe in that most belt link sets were formed in the shape of a square, with less frequent deviation regarding link dimensions, while those of the belt from Kalnica are relatively elongated. Links similar to the Kalnica elongated links have only be discovered in north Macedonia and in grave 5 of tumulus I in the Kenete site in Albania. The difference in the decoration of the belt from Kalnica compared with other belts is interesting. They are decorated with pierced triangles and perforated concentric circles, with a central point, repeated in countless combinations. Half-elliptical perforations appear for the first time on the belt from Kalnica, to some extent inexpertly carried out. Openwork belts have been discovered throughout the territory between the Timok river in Serbia and the Isker in Bulgaria, although according to recently published finds from the Trojan region in Bulgaria, that area could be extended eastward to the Rosica river. Outside these territories, more significant groupings are visible in the Vardar valley in Macedonia, as well as in an early Iron Age necropolis in the Donja dolina in northern Bosnia. The production center of these belts is connected with the Zlot group (Zlot-Sofronijevo), or with the Triballi tribe, but it could be said that in the VII and VI centuries BC such belts were also worn among their neighbors.

The purpose of the research paper is to introduce the materials of mound 1 near the village of Malynivtsi in the Middle Dniester region to scientific circulation. It is crucial to characterize its funeral rites, as well as to attribute the inventory complex. Burials are included in the list of synchronous antiquities of the region. The social attribution of the persons buried there is conducted. The scientific novelty of the work is in the general characteristic of the Early Iron Age complex from Podillia. Since its unique characteristic is the presence of both pre-Scythian and Scythian features in the rites, Malynivtsi burial complex is an important source for studying the evolution of the Early Scythian funeral rites in the Middle Dniester region, because most of the burial mounds in the region are associated with the somewhat later Kelermesskaia period. Conclusions. Mound 1 near Malynivtsi contained several burials performed according to both inhumation and cremation rites. Analogies to them can be found in the Middle Dniester region and they are associated with both pre-Scythian and Scythian times. The pre-Scythian features include the presence of a group of graves under one mound, burial in a cist, group burials are more common, and the peculiar positioning of the dead in one tomb with their heads in different directions. The northwestern orientation of bodies also prevails in the pre-Scythian period and could be found in most necropolises of that time. At the same time, a number of features already have parallels in the Scythian times: the topography of the necropolis on the watershed, and the burning down of the wooden constructions of the tomb. The inventory complex contains mainly handmade pottery. Tulip-shaped vessels are characteristic of the pre-Scythian period. Pots with a roller on the rim and body, or only on the rim, existed both in the pre-Scythian and Scythian times. However, the first type is not yet known among the burials of the Western Podillia group of the Scythian period. Thus, according to the combination of features of the funeral rite and inventory, Mound 1 near the village of Malynivtsi can be attributed to the turn of the Pre-Scythian and Scythian periods.

The article presents the results of a thorough study of fish remains recovered during the excavations of three ancient Greek cities (Olbia, Berezan and Chornomorka) in the northern part of the Black Sea coast. These materials are dated in the range of 600 BC – 300 AC (in the case of Olbia and Berezan), and 500–400 BC for Chornomorka. Fish bones were processed for the identification of species used by the inhabitants of these ancient cities for food. The remains of about ten fish species are present in the studied sample. Of them, sturgeons (Acipenser spp.) were the most numerous in the region at that time. The other species which were usually caught in these ancient Greek cities are mostly represented by carp fishes (roach, common bream, white bream, blue bream, common carp, and crucian carp), but also European catfish Silurus glanis, pike Esox lucius, and pikeperch Sander lucioperca. The weight and size of some fish individuals were reconstructed based on complete bones. Comparison of the specimens from individual samples (series) showed no significant differences in their total length and weight. The economic activity of ancient settlements of the Northern Black Sea region is of interest to archaeologists for a long time. Many of the aspects of this activity, such as agriculture, crafts, and architecture, have been explored quite well (e.g., Christodoulou 2016 and references therein). At the same time, fishery, an important direction of the economy of coastal cities providing a valuable animal protein, often falls out of the scope of research interests. A significant amount of materials collected by archaeologists in the north of the Black Sea coast during the 20th century is still not processed and remains unpublished. Therefore, it is difficult to create a holistic picture of the economy of ancient Greek cities. A valuable information about fishing and fish consumption in ancient cities of the Northern Black Sea region according to archaeological data and osteological collections is presented in Lebedev (1960), Zhiteneva (1964), Hojte (2005), Morales et al. (2007) and Odrin (2010). A few recent publications are focused on the fish osteological material from ancient Greek cities discovered on the Northern Black Sea coast. Archaeozoological studies can show how important fish was in the diet of people, which species were preferred, and how intensive was fishing in this region in different periods. In addition, it is possible to find out whether there was a fish trade between these cities using the ratio of cranial and postcranial elements of the skeleton. Such studies can prove or disprove the statements of Strabo or Herodotus, who wrote about the culinary preferences of ancient Greeks. Therefore, the aim of this article is to present in detail the results of the study of fish bone samples from Olbia, Berezan and Chornomorka in the range from their formation (600 BC) until the end of the Roman period (300 AD). By comparing data from different periods, it is possible to track the role of fishery in the economy of these settlements and its dynamics over time. Key words: Olbia, antiquity, Berezan, archaeozoology, fishing, ancient Greeks, Black Sea

Spina (Ostellato, Ferrara) is located between Trebba and Pega valleys, along the ancient course of Padovetere river, naturally linked to the North-West with the Po valley and to the South-West with the Apennines. The faunal studies were focused on materials coming from deposits dated from the V to the III century BC, belonging to the chronological and cultural horizon of the Iron Age. The economy of the site emphasizes the role of the pig, conforming to a regional tradition developed from the VI century BC. The pig was slaughtered before the full maturity was reached and represented the main source of meat for the inhabitants of Spina. Sheep, goat and cattle are less represented among domestic animals, their exploitation wasn't limited only to the recovery of meat but included also secondary sources: milk, working force, reproduction. The hunting played a minor role in the economy of the site, although it is well attested by the presence of slaughtered bones of red deer, wild boar and roe deer. Because of its role as elitist activity, popular between the etruscan aristocracies, importance of social nature is more supposable.

The article is dedicated to the publication of the materials of burials from the Early Iron Age, discovered during excavations of a crumbling kurgan which is a part of the cemetery “Bogomolnye Peski-I” close to the village of Nikolskoye, Enotaevsky district, Astrakhan region. In total, 14 burials were investigated during the rescue excavations, two of them relate to the Middle Ages, other seven belong to the Bronze Age. The article describes in detail 5 burials of the Early Iron Age. The dating of the burials is defined based on the materials and details of the burial rite. The earliest burial (No. 2) dates back to the Savromat era. It contained a decapitated rams carcase and a molded pot which is typical of assumed era. The rest of the burials belong to the Middle Sarmatian period (1st – 2nd centuries AD). One of the Middle Sarmatian burials was completely destroyed by robbers in ancient times. It was possible to find a lot of gold stripes of clothes among its containment, as well as a bronze cauldron with a tamga. Plaques and stripes are not typical of either the Savromat or the early Sarmatian cultures. Indeed, they are widely used in prestigious burials of the Middle Sarmatian culture. The burials No. 5 and No. 13, accompanied by a rich inventory, are of the greatest interest. A set of gold decorations for a funeral veil and a belt set of gold with turquoise inserts were found in burial No.5, which belong to the products of the Sarmatian polychrome style, typical of the Middle Sarmatian period. In addition, a gilded bronze dish related to Roman provincial dishes and an alabaster vessel were discovered there – a typical find of the Middle Sarmatian era. In burial No. 12, the most interesting findings, in addition to a large number of various beads, are intaglio gemstones made of red glass with plots of ancient mythology depicted on them, which are unique in their own way. Moreover, an interesting vessel shaped as a bird (duck) was found there as well. The close analogs to the latter are known in cemeteries of the 1st – 2nd centuries AD in the Kuban region. A feature of this kurgan is a large number of inlet burials of the Middle Sarmatian culture, whereas in general, the burials under individual mounds predominate in the Middle Sarmatian epoch. Key words: early Iron Age, barrow, Lower Volga region, Sarmatians, burial rite.

Spatial patterning of Early Iron Age metal production at Ndondondwane, South Africa: the question of cultural continuity between the Early and Late Iron Ages

Spatial patterning of Early Iron Age metal production at Ndondondwane, South Africa: the question of cultural continuity between the Early and Late Iron Ages

The Black Sea coast of Bulgaria is well known as an active landslide area across which various landslides extend. Monitoring the real behavior of landslides has not often been conducted due to technical difficulties and cost issues, although it is essential to reveal the mechanism of these landslides and to solve the problems they cause. In this paper, SBAS-DInSAR is applied to monitor the landslide displacements along the northern Black Sea coast. The results are compared with the field observation results described in the official annual reports of landslides issued in Bulgaria and other published papers. It is found that the SBAS-DInSAR results show a good agreement with the actual behavior and verify its applicability for monitoring landslides in extensive areas along the northern Black Sea coast.

The article shows the specifics of the historical development of the population of the steppes of Southern Transbaikalia, Eastern and Central Mongolia in the Bronze Age and the Early Iron Age. During the transition to the early Iron Age, there was no transformation of material and spiritual culture, which in the areas to the west of these areas was expressed in the formation of new cultures of the Scythian-Siberian type. The reasons for this feature are revealed. The aridization of the climate in these regions in the 2nd quarter of the 2nd millennium BC led to the transformation of the economy of the Selenga-Daurian culture of the early Bronze Age into nomadic cattle breeding and the formation of a nomadic culture of tiled graves. It continued to exist in the Scythian time. The proposed position reveals the specifics of the development of these regions of Mongolia and Transbaikalia: the nomad material culture and the funeral rite of the population of the culture of tile graves, which developed in the middle of the 2nd millennium BC, continued to retain their characteristics with minor changes in the 9th/8th -3rd centuries BC. This explains the Karasuk appearance of the bronze inventory and the absence, with rare exceptions, of the inventory of the Scythian-Siberian forms in the tiled graves.

A bundle of weapons from Vimose An integral find from the weapon offering in Vimose is the main subject of this article. The excavator, Conrad Engelhardt, himself drew attention to this find, but it has not been dealt with since the Vimose publication.The find consists of 29 lance heads (without barbs), 8 spearheads (with barbs) and a silver plated bronze plate from a sword hilt, all wrapped in a piece of woven woollen cloth. No exact parallels to the bronze plate are known, and this article therefore deals exclusively with the 37 spear- and lance heads which have been identified. But spear- and lance heads from the Roman period have never been treated so comprehensively that they can be directly placed culturally and chronologically. The material from the weapon graves, which has furnished type artefacts, comprises in particular sword fittings and shield bosses, in conjunction, of course, with any imports and in very rare cases with brooches. The procedure followed here is therefore a detailed analysis of the spear- and lance heads found in the bundle, an evaluation of the different types, and a comparison with weapons recovered from graves.A prerequisite for a detailed analysis of spear- and lance heads is a definition of elements, appendix 1. In fig. 2 and 3 the various forms of blade/point and socket sections found in spear- and lance heads from Vimose, Nydam, Krage­hul, Illerup Ådal and several small votive finds are shown.Lance headsThe blade section serves as the basis for the division of the 29 lance heads in the bundle. This element has the advantage that it is often possible to determine even in corroded and fragmented specimens found in graves. The following blade sections are represented: 2 and 2b, 3, 5 and 6.All the lance heads in the bundle have curved blade, except perhaps for no. 24742, which may have had a simple blade. The socket outline varies more, but the concave form predominates with 24 specimens. Only 4 are straight and 1 convex.The lance heads of section 2 and 2b (fig. 4) do not comprise a homogeneous group, since the rhombic blade section is found with both straight and symmetrical concave sides. The socket sections also vary. The total length of the lance heads varies between 14.2 and 23.3 cm and the average blade thickness is only 0.65 cm as against 1.15 cm in lance heads of blade section 6. None of the lance heads is decorated.It is characteristic of the lance heads with blade section of form 3 (fig. 5 and 6) that the section of the distal 8 cm changes to form 2. The overall length of the two specimens is about 21 cm and one is decorated with chasing on both socket and blade. Lance heads with this blade section are not known from Scandinavian grave finds and will not be treated further here.Lance heads with blade section of form 5 (fig. 7 and 8) merge into form 2 10.0, 7.0 and 10.5 cm from the point respectively. The socket sections are respectively of form 6, 2 and 5. Two of the three socket sections are characterized by small facets of uniform width. The overall length varies from 20.7 to 33.6 cm, and two of the three heads are chased on the upper part of the socket and on the blade. In spite of the differences in size there are so many common features that the heads are referred to the same type, named after the lance head in the Lyng­højgård grave and defined:- 1: blade section of form 5, merging into form 2 more than 3 cm from the point and 2: curved blade.The lance heads with blade section of form 6 (fig. 13-22) are divided into various types, called after some of the types shown in the scheme fig. 29.The Gamme type (fig. 13 c) is defined primarily on the shape of the socket, which is cylindrical, i. e. with a straight profile and the greatest thickness minus the smallest thickness less than 0.5 cm. The blade can vary, Lance heads with blade section 2 and 26 and 6 also being referred to the type. The blade may be simple or curved. The Vennolum type (fig. 14) is defined by:- 1: blade section of form 6, 2: curved blade, 3: concave, not cylindrical socket, socket length less than 3/8 of the blade length, 5: blade width greater than 3.5 cm. The Skiaker type (fig. 16) has the same blade section, blade shape and socket section as the Vennolum type, but the socket length is more than or equal to 3/8 of the blade length and the blade width less than or equal to 3.5 cm.These lance heads are shown in the table fig. 12, where also the Svennum type (20), which does not occur in the bundle, is included. The Gamme type is in the bundle represented by 1 specimen, the Vennolum type by 7, and the Skiaker type by 8. In addition there are 2 hybrid forms (Vennolum/Skiaker) and 2 special forms. A more detailed description of lance heads of the Vennolum and Skiaker types is found in fig. 10 and 11, where the dimensions are shown in histogram form.6 of the 7 lance heads of Vennolum type are chased on the blade and one of them has in addition metal inlay. All lance heads of Skiaker type in the bundle are chased. Chasing and inlays are seen in fig. 17-22.SpearheadsThere are only 8 spearheads in the bundle. All the spearhead types from Vimose are therefore used in the type classification, except specimens with a boss on the socket, those with only one barb, those with another socket section than forms 5 and 6 and those with convex socket.Every spearhead in the bundle has a curved blade and 7 out of 8 have a concave socket outline, the remaining specimen having a convex one. The point section is in all specimens of form 2 and only socket form 5 or 6 is represented, i. e. with 10 or 12 facets of uniform width.The Simris spearhead type (fig. 26) (see Simris grave 41 in the scheme fig. 29) is defined by:- 1: curved blade, 2: point/socket ratio greater than or equal to 0.66.The Skiaker spearhead type (fig. 27 and the Skiaker grave in the scheme fig. 29) is defined by:- 1: curved blade, 2: point/socket ratio greater than or equal to 0.33 but less than 0.66 and 3: point width less than 1.2 cm.The scheme fig. 23 also shows the Svennum spearhead type which does not occur in the cloth bundle (21). This differs from the Skiaker type in that the point width is larger than or equal to 1.2 cm.The Simris type is represented by 4 specimens, the Skiaker type by 3, and in addition there is a single spearhead of special form (fig. 25). None of the spear­heads is chased, but one is furnished with metal inlay (fig. 26 a and fig. 28).ChronologyAlthough all spear- and lance heads in the bundle were obviously deposited at the same time, one would still expect to be able to indicate time differences, because spear- and lance heads are unlikely to be of the same age at the time of deposition.A number of finds from weapon-containing graves in Denmark, Norway and Sweden, containing lance heads of types represented in the bundle, serve as a foundation for a relative chronology. These graves are shown in the scheme fig. 29.Lance heads with blade section 2 and 2b are known from inter alia the Danish graves Harnebjerg and Kagstedhøj and a Swedish grave from Kornettskogen. They were found with shield bosses with conical top or with pointed bosses, dated to the early Roman Iron Age. The Kornettskogen grave also contained a single-edged sword.The lance head of blade section 3 is not as far as I know found in Scandnavian graves.The Lynghøjgård type of lance head was found in the Lynghøjgård grave with a spearhead with a boss on the socket and only one barb, a single-edged sword, and a shield-handle fitting with nails with thimble-like heads. The Norwegian grave of Østre Hovin contains a variant of the Lynghøjgård type, a spearhead with point section 2b, a single-edged sword, a rod shield-boss and a shield-handle fitting with offset ends. According to these finds the Lynghøjgård lance head type should be referred to the early Roman lron Age.In 6 of 9 graves with lance heads of Gamme type, spearheads with a boss on the socket were also found, and in 6 out of 8 graves with shield bosses there are rod bosses, whilst in the other two there are pointed bosses. Further, 4 out of 6 swords are double-edged short swords.In graves with lance heads of Vennolum type there are also characteristic common features. All the shield bosses are of the semicircular type, 4 of which have an added top. All the swords, apart from the double-edged short sword in the Vennolum grave, are double-edged long swords. The spearhead types are, however, different. The Norwegian grave from Hunn contains one spearhead with bossed socket; 3 spearheads are of Simris type, and 2 of Skiaker type.The Øvre Skiaker grave is the only certain case of a combination of the Skiaker types, but this probably also applies to Simris grave 88.The seriated type combination diagram fig. 30 comprises all the graves from the scheme fig. 29 and it is shown that the graves in the upper part of the diagram should be referred to the early Roman lron Age. Simris grave 88 at the bottom of the diagram contains a fibula with a tall pin catch (Almgren VII, 196), which is late Roman Iron Age. The Norwegian grave from Gullen contains, besides the weapons, two strongly profiled fibulae (Almgren IV, 88) and a bronze vessel of Eggers' type 44. The fibulae normally belong to the early Roman Iron Age but are of a developed form, and the bronze vessel is known in this form from both the early and the late Roman period. The Gullen grave is thus most probably attributable to the beginning of the late Roman Iron Age.The graves with lance heads of Gamme type must be placed between the early Roman Lynghøjgård grave and the Gullen grave, but a boundary between the early and the late Roman period within this group of graves cannot be de­monstrated, for they lack fibulae and the imported ware does not afford critical dating. There are thus only weapons remaining as a basis for dating. The spear­head with bossed socket was found in the Hunn grave and the rod boss disappears in the present material, before the

Early Iran Age settlement on Funen During the last thirty years, our knowledge of Early Iron Age settlement on Funen has been enlarged by the discovery of many new settlements and graves, so that 504 localities are now known from the Pre-Roman, Early Roman and Late Roman periods. A list of finds according to period follows the text and these are also plotted on the maps figs. 1-4.Figs. 1 and 2 show the extent of settlement in the Pre-Roman and Early Roman periods of the lron Age respectively. The similarity between the two maps is apparent. Settlement affects the same areas and is almost as dense in the former as in the latter period. The Pre-Roman settlement first gains momentum from Period II (the Ripdorf stage) however, only 4 finds being known on the island from Period I (see note 1). In general, there seems to be no connection between the areas cultivated in the Early Iron Age and those cultivated in the Late Bronze Age (note 2). The massive Iron Age settlement first commences c. 200 B.C. and continues till c. 400 A.D., when it ceases, to judge by the subsequent lack of finds at least. In the Late Roman Iron Age (200-400 A.D.) settlement becomes more sparse in the northwestern part of the island (Vends herred) and in the coastal strip to the east of this (see map 3); otherwise it follows that of the two earlier periods. The first three maps are combined in fig. 4.In the three maps 1-3, the distribution of settlement and grave finds shows a tendency to concentrate in small local tracts. This division has been shown to have some correspondence with the later division into administrative districts or »herreder« (notes 4-5) and may be seen clearly in fig. 5, where the five ancient types of place­names are plotted, together with the administrative district boundaries. Between some of these local tracts, at least, there has been uncultivated and impassable border country.The Early Iron Age settlement constitutes as far as archaeological finds are concerned a compact entity (map 4). This settlement occurs suddenly, since no continuity can be observed between the Late Bronze Age and the Early Iron Age. The reason for this is probably the transition from a transitory cut-and-burn cultivation in the Bronze Age to a more permanent agriculture in the Early Iron Age, which was perhaps made possible by the stalling of animals, whereby their manure became available for use on the fields. A corresponding problem concerns the cessation of Iron Age settlement around 400 A.D., at which time the archaeological finds cease. The reason for this may be, however, that the peasants decide about this time to give up the dispersed settlement which is indicated by the refuse pits of settlements and the graves, and instead live together in villages, as we know them from the Viking and Medieval periods.Several ancient place-name forms can probably be linked to the 600 years of Early Iron Age settlement (figs. 1-3). Therkel Mathiassen and I have in previous works (notes 6, 8-14) tried to show that the ancient place-name endings, as recorded in fig. 5, are parts of names which the Iron Age peasants gave to the dispersed settlement areas but not to the villages. In the areas of northwest Jutland studied by Mathiassen villages were present in the Early Iron Age, whereas on Funen settlement was in general dispersed.The over 200 new finds which have been made since I discussed the relationship between place-names and settlement in the Early Iron Age, in Fynske Aarbøger 1951, corroborate the conclusions I then reached. The local settlement tracts which have been described above cover, true enough, a large part of the area of the island group of Funen, but a comparison between the maps figs. 1-5 nevertheless shows an unambiguous correspondence between the settlements and the five ancient types of place-names. Prominent among these are the numerous names ending in -lev and -inge. Their link with the Iron Age settlements is shown in the scheme on p. 132. This employs hypothetical place-name settlements. The five types of place-names are all well represented within the settlement areas of the Early Iron Age, so that if each hypothetical place-name settlement is allowed to have a radius of 2 km there must be said to be complete coverage of place-names by Iron Age settlement. This is apparent from the percentages in the last column. It can also be shown that only a few finds fall outside the place-name circles. Some must necessarily do so, as the five types of names treated here are not the only ancient ones, and may no longer be extant.Each place-name was tied to the local settlement tract with its individual farms. Later this name seems to have been transferred to the village which the local population for unknown reasons, be they economic, technical or defensive, decided to found, probably in the Late Iron Age. If this is correct, one should not generally expect to find antiquities of the Early Iron Age on the site of the present villages with ancient names. Prof. Aksel Christensen (note 26) has recently described this situation, "the regulated village with a certain commonalty probably existed as a type of settlement by King Gotfred's time ... many were previously founded by neighbours in a dispersed settlement after joint decision".E. Albrectsen

Purpose of the study . Cimmerians are the first ethnonym known in Ukraine. Interesting pages of the history not only of Ukraine but also the countries of Asia Minor and the Caucasus are connected with the Cimmerians, which makes the people an indicator of the historical situation in these regions to a certain extent. At the same time, the questions of the origin and the disappearance of this people remain unclear, as well as their identification with archaeological cultures of the early Iron Age, which determines the relevance of this topic. Research methodology the article is based on general scientific methods and uses a systematic approach to the study of written and archaeological sources. The scientific novelty of the article lies in the denial of an opinion that the Cimmerians, known all over Asia Minor, belonged to an autochthonous population of the Northern Black Sea region. Those were tribes from the Caucasus region, which in the middle of the 8th century BC invaded the Northern Black Sea region, while other Cimmerian troops simultaneously acted in a southerly direction, fought with the army of Urartu and robbed in Asia Minor. Conclusions . Contrary to the assertions of A.I. Terenozhkina, the carriers of Arzhan type’s culture with stirrup-shaped bits were not Cimmerians. That was the first expansion of the eastern nomads on the territory of Ukraine. Cimmerians should be considered the carriers of Novocherkassk culture with two-pointed bits which appeared on the Northern Black Sea Coast and originated from the North of Caucasus, displacing local farmers from the steppe. They drove forest-steppe farmers to strengthen their settlements and partially migrate to the left bank of the Dnieper, from where the local carriers of the Bondarino culture were forced to leave for the North. Importantly, thanks to Cimmerian warlike and aggressive policies, this ethnonym became a household name in the entire Black Sea region and remained the “Cimmerian land” in minds of ancient authors.

The team of the Institute of Archaeological Sciences of the Eötvös Loránd University has been investigating the Early Iron Age hillfort at Dédestapolcsány-Verebce-bérc (Northeast Hungary) since 2020. The settlement was destroyed by siege in the late 7th century BC, as evidenced by hundreds of early Scythian bronze arrowheads and burnt buildings. Based on the recovered metal and pottery findings the settlement dated to the Early Iron Age in the Carpathian Basin (end of the 7th century – beginning of the 6th century BC). The quantity of the Early and Middle Iron Age iron and bronze artefacts and pieces of iron raw material on the site is exceptionally high. More than 30 depots were unearthed which include pieces of iron raw material. In the whole territory, the number of these finds is more than 600. The average weight of the pieces was 1.54 kg. A few selected objects were sampled and subjected to archaeometric analysis (OM and SEM-EDS). The main aim of the examinations carried out by the experts of the Archaeometallurgical Research Group of the University of Miskolc (ARGUM) was the material characterisation of the samples to figure out what kind of processing has been applied and reveal how the iron raw materials can be connected in any way to the other iron objects found at the site. Based on the results, it can be concluded that the iron pieces are compacted with a slightly heterogeneous structure. Each one is a part of a single bloom, not several pieces of different blooms assembled together. Numerous pores and cavities were observed in the microstructure of the samples. Their basic character is similar, although, they differ from each other, mainly in terms of carbon content and degree of forming. These pieces are not typical semi-finished products; they can be identified somewhere halfway between primary bloom and compacted bar.