Abstract

To confront exotic and seemingly irrational behavior of peoples in foreign cultures, and to make this behavior meaningful has always been particular forte 6f anthropology. In nineteenth century, however, writers frankly recognized their inability to explain certain customs; an attitude that might be considered realistic if had not been so frequently accompanied by a self-explanatory reference to primitive life. This armchair type of analysis willingly relegated inexplicable to category of what Tylor described as survivals or the mere permanence of (1958:70). With emphasis on fieldwork in subsequent years, a complete denial of the persistence of useless came into fashion, so that Malinowski felt able to challenge anyone to mention any object, activity, symbol, or type of organization, which could not be placed within one institution or (1944:161). Radcliffe-Brown chose to be less trenchant in insisting on a dogma of functionalism. He allowed that an act may a function and that therefore we are justified in seeking to discover it (1952: 184). Nonetheless, question remains whether in search for functions significance of nonfunctional traits has been ignored. As a matter of scientific principle could be asked whether anything can be conclusively demonstrated not to have a function; that is, to be completely unrelated to anything else. Another question follows: can this independent event be considered as a part of culture? For, as Radcliffe-Brown states what is usually thought of as an anthropological axiom, the meaning of an element of culture is to be found in its interrelation with other elements and in place occupies in whole life of people . (1958:67). Another way of presenting problem raised by a consideration of nonfunctional traits is to ask whether such an approach does not deny premise upon which a science of culture depends: that behavior is ordered, predictable and ultimately rational when placed within proper frame of reference.

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