Abstract
The aim of this paper is to trace the evolution of the neofascist networks from the vantage point, between 1945 and 1953, of Madrid, a city where a myriad of extreme right activists gathered to discuss and promote their cause at a transnational level. Exploring the local socio-political context in which these (neo)-fascists moved, and the networks that they formed, the study delves into the creation of ratlines crucial for fascists to escape from the Allied prosecution once the Second World War was over, the consolidation of the city as a central meeting point for fascists from all over the world (from Degrelle to Skorzeny, passing by Horia Sima or Filippo Anfuso), discussions around the possible creation of paramilitary organisations, and the everyday lives of (neo)-fascists operating in Madrid. On the basis of police reports, secret service intelligences and other primary sources, this paper foregrounds the role of the fascist diaspora and the subsequent interactions as driving forces enabling entanglements, and cooperation among (neo)-fascist movements and the Francoist regime, at various formal or informal political levels.
Highlights
10 The most notable exceptions are the following worksMatteo Albanese and Pablo del Hierro, Transnational Fascism in the Twentieth Century
In June 1949, Leo Negrelli and Oswald Mosley met in Madrid
Exploring the local socio-political context in which thesefascists moved, and the networks that they formed, the study delves into the creation of ratlines crucial for fascists to escape from the Allied prosecution once the Second World War was over, the consolidation of the city as a central meeting point for fascists from all over the world, discussions around the possible creation of paramilitary organisations, and the everyday lives of-fascists operating in Madrid
Summary
Matteo Albanese and Pablo del Hierro, Transnational Fascism in the Twentieth Century. Bernhardt had maintained frequent contact with the highest echelons of the Francoist regime, as well as the main representatives of the Spanish economic elites, since at least 1936, when the Berlin government entrusted him to supervise economic relations between Germany and the rebels headed by General Franco This was done through the holding company SOFINDUS of which Bernhardt was managing director.[34] Second, Bernhardt had close contacts with the Nazi regime in Germany, sustaining regular communications with the leadership of the party.[35] Third, Bernhard managed to establish links with the Allied authorities when the Second World War ended by becoming an informant within operation SAFEHAVEN, an Anglo-American program created in December 1944 to locate German assets in the neutral powers and steer them into ‘safe havens’, generally British or American humanitarian organisations.[36] and even though he ceased to be the general director of SOFINDUS ( dissolved), the Allies granted him freedom of movement within Spain, and control over a series of companies that SOFINDUS had created and which were not part of the SAFEHAVEN project, and whose resources amounted to eighty million pesetas.[37] Bernhardt enjoyed a unique position in the summer of 1945 from his. More information about SOFINDUS in National Archives of the United Kingdom (NAUK): KV2/825, SOFINDUS folder
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