Abstract

ABSTRACT This article uses updated models of the 7th-century bce economy to argue that the harvesting activities reported in the Meṣad Ḥashavyahu ostracon occurred at a small grain-cultivating site located in the Judahite highlands. The distance between this farmstead and the inscription’s coastal findspot explains why the ostracon was inscribed in the first place: the harvester could not appeal his case in person. As can be detected in the complaint, the granary complex in the Judahite highlands specialised in cereal products and was conversely not designed for the cultivation of a diversity of crops for local subsistence. This economic choice likely originated in Judah’s effort to contribute its own grain surpluses to a broader regional network of trade and commerce, one which was defined by specialised zones of surplus production that originated in the wake of Sennacherib's campaign in 701 bce. Because Egypt built the fortress in which the inscription was found and moreover coerced Judah's king and people into a new system of obligatory payment (2 Kgs 23:29-35), the ostracon represents a stunning glimpse into a time when Judah’s own administration was forcing its labourers to meet the extractive demands of an external power. The commander (śar) in the fortress was the logical authority for the harvester’s case, as (1) a high-ranking figure close to both the Egyptian and Judahite powers, (2) a recipient of inland grain products, and (3) a potential keeper of important transactional documents.

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