Abstract

This paper documents the persistence of the Southern slave owning elite in political power after the end of the American Civil War. We draw on a database of Texan state legislators between 1860 and 1900 and link them to their or their ancestors' slaveholdings in 1860. We then show that former slave owners made up more than half of nearly each legislature's members until the late 1890s. Legislators with slave owning backgrounds differ systematically from those without, being more likely to represent the Democratic party and more likely to work in an agricultural occupation. Regional characteristics matter for this persistence, as counties with higher soil suitability for growing cotton on average elect more former slave owners.

Highlights

  • The end of the American Civil War brought the end of slavery, but it did not bring the end of the Southern planters

  • The high persistence in itself is remarkable. It echoes the high persistence of wealth in the Postbellum South and highlights an important mechanism in how the planter elite kept its de facto power: The former slave owners continued to exert control over the productive land, they remained highly influential in politics

  • We have examined the persistence of former slave owners in Southern politics after the American Civil War

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Summary

Introduction

The end of the American Civil War brought the end of slavery, but it did not bring the end of the Southern planters To the contrary, their persistence in power is often thought of as one reason for the South’s slow growth after the war. Their persistence in power is often thought of as one reason for the South’s slow growth after the war Their continued political and economic influence led to institutions that favored an agricultural economy with low wages, low education, and low labor mobility (Acemoglu and Robinson 2006, 2008a, 2008b). We find that during the American Civil War most Texan legislators were slave owners Their share dropped substantially during Congressional Reconstruction, but rebounded and continued on a slow downward trend of only 0.4 percentage points per year till the end of the century. It echoes the high persistence of wealth in the Postbellum South and highlights an important mechanism in how the planter elite kept its de facto power: The former slave owners continued to exert control over the productive land, they remained highly influential in politics

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