The Long Road from Neoliberalism to Neopopulism in ECE: The social paradox of neopopulism and decline of the Left

In the early 2020s we live in the transition period between two world systems, the Old World Order (OWO) and the New World Order (NWO), in a deep ‘polycrisis’. Therefore, the term transformation has recently appeared in official EU documents as well as in political science literature. The transition to the NWO has begun with this crisis management and it will produce a radical transformation of the entire global architecture in the 2020s. In its conceptual framework this paper focuses on the contrast between ‘de‑coupling’ and ‘de ‑risking’, as it has been explained very markedly in the recent speeches of the president of the European Commission, Ursula van der Leyen (EC 2023a), and the national security adviser, Jake Sullivan (The White House 2023). This contrast symbolises the US policy, concentrating more on cutting or reducing connectivity among the various policy fields, versus the EU policy turning them safe and interdependent. These approaches represent the US and EU attitude in the emerging New World Order, and primarily in their relationships to China.

Reviewed by: The New World Order: Contrasting Theories Peter Grosvenor Birthe Hansen & Bertel Heurlin, The New World Order: Contrasting Theories (Basingstoke: Macmillan. New York: St. Martin’s Press, 2000) The end of the Cold War, and the emergence of a so-called New World Order (NWO), have presented the contending paradigms of international relations theory with serious theoretical challenges, all of which relate to polarity — a central concept in international systems analysis. Contributor Ronald Deibert writes that, “the study of world order is... above all the study of the organization of political space — the architecture of political authority — at a world level” (p18). A polar actor is an actor so significant in this architecture that its removal would fundamentally alter the global distribution of power. The Cold War was widely interpreted as a bi-polar system in which two dominant actors imposed stability and peace through a balance of power of both a nuclear and conventional kind. This was, of course, a northern hemispherical perspective because, as Fred Halliday has demonstrated in his Cold War, Third World (Hutchinson Radius, London 1989), the superpowers clashed by proxy in the Middle East, Central and Southeast Asia, Latin America, and Africa. Yet the implosion of the Soviet Union as a polar actor spectacularly reconfigured world politics and ushered in an era of comparative uncertainty. This volume of nine essays, edited by two Danish political scientists from the University of Copenhagen, details the responses of contending schools of international relations theory to the post-Cold War world. The term “New World Order” is of political, not academic, coinage. It was used by the Bush administration in the early 1990s to denote a new global situation in which the United States would head multi-lateral efforts to resolve long-standing intra-regional conflicts, to spread liberal democracy, and to liberalize the world economy. The American leadership of a Gulf War coalition comprising such disparate powers as Bangladesh, Denmark, Morocco, Syria, Egypt and France was presented by Bush as an example of the NWO in practice. To the neo-realist school, which treats power asymmetries as the necessary determinants of order and disorder in an anarchical international system, the NWO is simply a uni-polarity in which the power of the United States cannot be effectively challenged by another actor, or group of actors. But uni-polar systems are inherently unstable: in the absence of restraint, the dominant power over-reaches itself, and other powers gradually coalesce to form a countervailing power bloc. In his contribution to this volume K.N. Waltz argues that American uni-polarity is already giving way to a multi-polarity as Russia and China move closer together, and smaller states, stripped of the protection of their Cold War superpower sponsors, seek to build up their own autonomous defense capacities, including in some cases the quest for nuclear credibility. Liberal theoreticians, on the other hand, find encouragement in the NWO for their essentially rationalist project to improve the relations between states through diplomacy, international law, the spread of democracy, and the strengthening of international institutions. The essays collected here are arbitrarily dismissive of the “liberal-convergence” theory elucidated in Francis Fukuyama’s neo-Hegelian The End of History and the Last Man (Penguin, London 1992), but the burgeoning “democratic peace” literature is subjected to rigorous logical and empirical analysis. In contrast to both neo-realist and liberals, Marxists identify important continuities between the Cold War system and the NWO, as Michael Cox shows in his lucid survey of radical international relations theory. Wallerstein’s world systems theory always dealt in an alternative bi-polarity of North-South and substantially ignored the Cold War. Similarly, in his World Orders Old and New (Pluto Press, London 1994), Chomsky sees the end of the Cold War as nothing more than the completion of a world capitalist system under American hegemony. Cox credits Marxism with having tracked the development of international capitalism since The Communist Manifesto and suggests that it will continue to have a role in exposing the contradictions and iniquities of contemporary globalization. At the same time, he concedes that Marxism’s principal theoretical weakness is its inability to formulate practical systemic alternatives to...

Economic AffairsVolume 27, Issue 4 p. 86-86 THE DRAGON AND THE ELEPHANT: CHINA, INDIA AND THE NEW WORLD ORDER - by David Smith Benedikt Koehler, Benedikt Koehler Financial Services Authority (writing in a personal capacity) [email protected]Search for more papers by this author Benedikt Koehler, Benedikt Koehler Financial Services Authority (writing in a personal capacity) [email protected]Search for more papers by this author First published: 06 December 2007 https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-0270.2007.00792_1.xRead the full textAboutPDF ToolsRequest permissionExport citationAdd to favoritesTrack citation ShareShare Give accessShare full text accessShare full-text accessPlease review our Terms and Conditions of Use and check box below to share full-text version of article.I have read and accept the Wiley Online Library Terms and Conditions of UseShareable LinkUse the link below to share a full-text version of this article with your friends and colleagues. Learn more.Copy URL Share a linkShare onFacebookTwitterLinkedInRedditWechat No abstract is available for this article. Volume27, Issue4December 2007Pages 86-86 RelatedInformation

The New World Order (NWO) that could result from the present East-West detente will have to rely increasingly on economic sanctions, whereas coercion in the international system previously was essentially a military task. The benefits of the NWO (the so-called peace dividend) have been well understood by economic policy-makers. The costs related to the NWO, however, have not been so obvious. This chapter points out some of these hidden costs, which are essentially related to the negative consequences of the use of trade-related measures to enforce international law and order. The first section reviews economic theory on economic sanctions and stresses the importance of an analysis which takes into account the uncertain character of the outcome of situations in which sanctions are being applied. Clearly the NWO has to be analysed within a utility setting that acknowledges uncertainty. The next section focuses on the target country’s subjective probability that a sanction threat will be executed upon misconduct, and discusses the importance of the reputation of a country (for example, the USA) or an organization (the UN) as an executor of sanctions. From the point of view of the NWO sender country or organization it may be advisable to use sanctions now and then; but there is a clear danger in excess. Intensified use of the sanction instrument in general may impair its effectiveness in specific cases. The third section points out that sanctions sometimes have to be considered an inappropriate instrument. It shows that a too large sanction leads to unnecessary costs for both the sender and the target. The fourth section deals with the increase in uncertainty about the international trade regime which forces countries to specialize to a lesser extent (and sometimes even against their comparative advantages), implying efficiency losses for the world economic system.

The New World Order (NWO) was proclaimed as the advent of a new era of peace and stability. The reality was, however, soon exhibited with dazzling clarity by the Gulf War. A few days after the NWO was announced, The Times of India, a mainstream Indian newspaper, made the following observation: The conduct of the Western powers has revealed the seamiest sides of Western civilisation; its unrestricted appetite for dominance, its morbid fascination for hi‐tech military might, its insensitivity to “alien” cultures, its appalling jingoism. The NWO's power structure is grossly iniquitous. Political, military, economic, technological, and cultural power lies in the hands of a few elites, states, and corporations located predominantly in the North. The policies they dictate are implemented in an international context where the NWO has become a euphemism for the imperialism of Western capitalism, mortgaging the South's economic and political sovereignty.

Before the emergence of the New World Order (NWO), the atrocities, crimes and offences committed by ignoble African tyrants, dictators, rulers and unwieldy but powerful individuals such as Idi Amin Dada of Uganda, Omar al-Bashir of Sudan, Hussein Habre of Chad Republic, and a no-less despotic others were beforehand treated with kids gloves, while the actors were considered to be local in character. But today, these offences have morally and legally become unacceptable before the larger world. This study, thus, argued that the change in perception in what constitutes a crime and what does not has ushered in tremendous changes in action and attitude towards all forms of offences. This has brought to the fore the need for one country to collaborate with other countries of the world, to achieve crime control, as well as strengthen the need for the exchange of criminals who may have committed offences such as war crimes, genocide, terrorism, money laundering, drug and human trafficking, etc., and to bring to book such crime perpetuators who may be on the run or are on the wanted list. The inquiry also argued that the change in perception of what constitutes a crime in Africa has led to a decrease in the exercise of impunity and uncontrollable abuses of human rights by the dishonourable men of power. More fundamentally is the increase in extradition arrangements or treaties in Africa. The research, consequently, is aimed at examining various extradition cases involving African leaders and individuals who have, in one way or the other, committed or allegedly committed extraditable offences in recent times. Equally is the emphasis placed on the need for increase in extradition accords and prospects in Africa. To achieve its aim, therefore, the study adopted qualitative and explorative methods of analysis which means that the secondary source of data collection such as textbooks, journal articles and official documents were employed considering the nature and scope of the research. Anchoring our analysis on ‘’System theory’’, the investigation proceeded to suggest that the government of the states of Africa should continue to cooperate with one another as with other nations of the world so as to sustain the achievement so far recorded in the area of crime control through extradition agreements. Keywords: New World Order, New World System, Cold War, Extradition treaties, Agreements, Fugitive offenders , Criminals, Tyrants, Dictators. DOI : 10.7176/JLPG/82-14

Introduction - PART 1: LIBERALISM, NEOMERCANTILISM, AND THE NEW WORLD ORDER - Power and the Changing Nature of International Relations - American Liberalism: Triumph and Tragedy - Japanese Neomercantilism: The New Hegemony - PART 2: POLITICAL ECONOMIC BATTLEGROUNDS - The Shifting Balance of Economic Power - The Shifting Balance of Political Power: Hearts, Minds, and Policies - American Policy toward Japan: The Sisyphean Dilemma or What is the Sound of One Hand Clapping? - The Mature Industry Front - The Foreign Investment Front - The High Technology Front - The Financial Front - PART 3: WHAT IS TO BE DONE? - American Power and the Japanese Challenge into the Twenty-First Century - Notes - Index

AFRICA IN THE NEW WORLD ORDER Pauline H. Baker T,hirty years ago, Sub-Saharan Africa was the Eastern Europe of the times. Although poor and underdeveloped, the world's second largest continent was undergoing change more rapidly than any other part ofthe globe. Today, however, the promise that surrounded the collapse of colonial rule and the birth of over forty new nations in Africa remains unfulfilled. Economic stagnation, political instability, and superpower rivalry followed in the footsteps ofimperial retreat, with ethnic, racial, class, and religious conflicts rending the political fabric of the continent. Current economic prospects are grim, a crisis ofpolitical legitimacy is coming to a head, and the end of the Cold War may further marginalize Africa. Nevertheless, there are some hopeful signs of change: a consensus is growing about the causes of Africa's deterioration, a new pragmatism born of necessity is emerging among African elites, and one-party states and military rulers are coming under increasing pressures for democratization. Over the next several years, Africa's role in the world order will change, and America's interest in the continent, while currently at an ebb, may be revived. Pauline H. Baker is a senior associate at the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace. She is the author of numerous books and articles, including The United States and South Africa: The Reagan Years (Ford Foundation/Foreign Policy Association, 1989). Dr. Baker lived and worked in Nigeria for eleven years and is currently co-chairperson of the Women's Foreign Policy Group. 139 140 SAISREVIEW Unfulfilled Expectations Beginning with Ghana in 1957 and continuing through the 1970s, dozens of African states achieved independence, forming a bloc that represented roughly one third of the membership of the United Nations. Just as the cluster of territories ranging from Hungary to Lithuania is now rejecting the authoritarian rule of the Soviet Union, an area approximately eight times as large (from the Sahara to the Kalahari Deserts), with about twice the population, was then throwing off the colonial domination of Western Europe. Events leading up to African independence were obviously quite different from those which have led to Eastern Europe's freedom. Among other things, Africa suffered from centuries of conquest and exploitation by adventurers, propagandists, opportunists, and empire builders seeking commercial gain, military expansion, political status, and international prestige. The continent was drained by slavery and carved up by colonialism. Its national boundaries were not defined by physical barriers, socio-cultural patterns, or indigenous political forces. Rather, the modern map of Africa was drawn by foreign powers at the 1884 Conference of Berlin. Consequently, contemporary African conflicts stem largely from competition among diverse peoples thrown together more than a hundred years ago by Great Britain, France, Germany, Italy, Portugal, Spain and the King of Belgium. At the time of independence, Africa's experience was seen to have universal relevance. The "winds of change" blowing across the continent added new perspectives to prevailing concepts of global change. Economists wrote about the stages ofeconomic growth which new nations would go through in order to "take off'—that is, to achieve industrialization, few doubting that this was either a desirable or realizable near-term goal. Political scientists predicted radical transitions from traditional societies based on "primordial" loyalties to modern political systems based on "ascriptive" criteria. Students of comparative politics wrestled with loosely defined notions, such as "nation-building" and "political culture." And a lively debate arose about whether Africa would, or should, follow Marxist, neo-colonial, or capitalist lines of development. Most observers were optimistic about Africa's future. As development analyst Goran Hyden noted: "Independent Africa was born into a world characterized by its faith in progress. Captivated by scientific and technological success, the postwar generation in both the East and the West had lost their sense ofproportion, thrown cautions to the wind, and dismissed as unfounded pessimism all realistic reference to man's natural AFRICA IN THE NEW WORLD ORDER 141 limits."1 This sense of "Prometheus Unbound," as Hyden termed it, not only convinced the European powers that it was no longer necessary to keep their overseas colonies in bondage, but raised exaggerated expectations amongAfricans themselves. "With independence, Prometheus moved to Africa...

This chapter explores the evaluative language used in relation to the New World Order (NWO) conspiracy theory from the perspective of Appraisal Theory (Martin and White 2005) in English and Spanish. Given the scarcity of analyses that go beyond the distinction between positive and negative evaluation, this chapter discusses the authors’ approach to events and figures related to the New World Order (NWO) conspiracy theory. For that purpose, a corpus of 1,000 tweets about the NWO was annotated and analysed regarding Attitude realisations. The results show that authors use mainly a Judgement approach, which evaluates people socially and morally, in both languages. However, it is less frequent in Spanish, in favour of references to the value of the targeted entities (Appreciation). These evaluations were not found to be argued, but merely asserted.

The New World Order emerged as an inevitable consequence of the post-Cold War era, which ended with the collapse of the Eastern Bloc represented by the Soviet Union. In response, the United States sought an alternative focus—namely, the fight against terrorism. To achieve its strategic interests, the U.S. adopted the New World Order, officially declared by former President George H.W. Bush during his war on terrorism, which he initiated with the invasion of Iraq. The U.S. prioritized its national security above all else, often at the expense of state sovereignty, by imposing conditional protection under the pretext of democracy and human rights. This approach enabled the U.S. to dominate the world and its institutions, particularly with Israel situated at the heart of the Middle East, where America exerts global influence in the name of protecting peace and ensuring maritime security.

The emergence of the New World Order (NWO) and the growing concern over the dynamics of globalization and the intensification of nationalist sentiments worldwide have rekindled interest in African Diaspora studies. This recrudescence has expectedly created the need to refocus attention on the broader concern for Africa and its people on the one hand and the nature and character of their relationship with the global community on the other. It is against this background that this article examines the trajectory of the NWO and its relationship with the experience of Diaspora Africans and the racial identity question. It argues that the emerging NWO in the context of the globalization process has created new challenges for Diaspora Africans and compounded the problems of racial prejudice and stereotype that should interest scholars of relevant disciplines. The article concludes with a call for a new Pan-African movement rooted in the concrete historical and cultural experiences and realities of the African race. Lagos Historical Review Vol. 6, 2006: 91-117

SEER,Vol. 83, No.3,JUlJy 2005 Review Article RussiaandEuropein theNew WorldOrder NEIL MALCOLM Brown,J. L. Vladimir PutinandtheJ/ew World Order: Looking East,Looking West? Rowman and Littlefield,Lanham, MD and Oxford, 2004. xiv + 366 pp. Notes. Appendix. Bibliography. Index. $36.95 (paperback). Newton, Julie M. Russia,France,andtheIdeaofEurope.St Antony's Series. Palgrave Macmillan, Basingstoke and New York, 2003. xiv + 357 pp. Notes. Bibliography. Index. f55.oo. Tsygankov, Andrei P. WhoseWorldOrder? Russia's Perception ofAmerican Ideas after the Cold War. University of Notre Dame Press, Notre Dame, IN, 2004. xv + 206 pp. Notes. Tables. Bibliography. Index. $22.00 (paperback). AT a dinner in the Kremlin in I956 Nikita Khrushchev was overheard saying: 'A little country doesn't count any more in the modern world. In fact, the only two countries that matter are Russia and the United States. And Russia is superior. The other countries have no real say.'l This outburst, made at the height of Soviet self-confidence in the I950s, is a world away on one dimension from Gorbachev's appeals for international partnership at the end of the I980s, and on another from the Russian Foreign Minister's statement in 2000 that his task was one of concentrating the limited foreign-policy resources at his disposal on the most vital priorities. One way of explaining these contrasts would be to say that the international balance of power shifted sharply over the last half century, to Moscow's disadvantage. It was out-developed, outgunned, and stripped of its allies and dependencies. But in order to gain more than the crudest understanding of how this came about, not to mention in order to be able to have any idea of what possibilities the future holds for Russia's place in the world, we need to base ourselves on something more sophisticated than the materialistic 'correlation of forces' style of analysis which underlay Khrushchev's judgement. The very changes which Khrushchev sparked off, and the domestic political turmoil associated with them stimulated interest in the West in Neil Malcolmis formerHead of theRussiaandCIS Programmeat ChathamHouse,and of theRussianandEastEuropeanResearchCentreattheUniversityofWolverhampton. ' M. Wight, International Theogy. The ThreeTraditions, Leicester and London, I99I (hereafter, International Theory), p. 33. 496 RUSSIA & EUROPE IN THE NEW WORLD ORDER somehow getting inside the blackbox of Soviet foreignpolicy making.2 An increasinglypopularapproachwas to supplementthe Kremlinological focus on emigre accounts, official statements and the newspaper pressby analysingthe kindof 'perceptions'thatcould be deduced from the expanding published output of Soviet foreign policy research institutes.3It was acknowledged that Soviet publications on international themes were above all directed at manipulatingWesternpublic opinion. Internationalrelationsspecialists,however, were supposedto be providing policy inputs. Senior experts mixed with officials and came to play a quasi-diplomaticrole. At the very least, writersof this kind (the mezhdunarodniki of the Academy of Sciences institutes)were attuned to what was acceptable at the policy-making level, and calibratedtheir statementsto fit. Westerncommentatorstried to draw out the policy implications of persistent differencesof opinion in the expert community. Franklyn Griffiths used the term 'transactional perceptions'to describeSovietanalysesof internationalrelationswhich appeared to be designed to supportparticularimages of the West and hence particularpolicy optionsforMoscow.4 Since the onset of glasnostand the passing of the Soviet Union the linkage between specialist writing and policy has loosened. Political affiliationshave become more transparent,but opinions are expressed more freely. They may well be just what they seem -the opinions of one individual. With the loosening of controls the range of views expressedhasbecome muchwider,sometimesalarminglyso. However, the interweaving of the specialist and the official community hlas persisted, and there is a rich source here, provided it is carefully interpreted.All three authorsunderreviewdrawon it to one degree or another. Julie Newton's study has the widest historical scope. It is a comprehensive analysis of Russian European policy as seen through the prism of Russo-Frenchrelations, divided into three partscovering the periods I958-85, I985-9 I and I 99I-200I . Because of France's role in East-Westdiplomacy in the Soviet period, and its continuing political leadership in Europe, this gives her an opportunity to look afresh at classic questions concerning Soviet strategy towards the AtlanticAlliance and the EuropeanCommunity,and to shednew light on the European dimension of post-Soviet...

In this paper, we describe the story of three such rebels, Nicholas Copernicus, Galileo Galilei and Gordano Bruno. Their findings and observations of the nature of the Heliocentric world system brought a seismic shift in the Catholic Church’s teachings of Geocentric World system. This study also describes the creation of Life in the Lab. The day we discovered that the RNA, a molecule that codes for Life, can self-replicate, self-organize and self-evolve, it also has the ability not only to store the information like DNA, can catalyze reaction like protein, we know that we embark on a New-World Order to create Life in the Lab. The New World Order would be based on the truth, experimental evidence, facts, reproducible and verifiable results. Our elders imagined the Old World Order of the seven-day genesis of Life on Earth based on beliefs, fiction, magic, and mystery without any evidence or verifiable proofs. The New World Order discovered that information is the core of life, and that information is stored on four chemical molecules known as nucleotides: Adenine, Thiamine, Guanine, and Cytosine. They can be found in the nuclei of all living things, from a single blade of grass to a massive elephant, including humans, mice, monkeys, and microbes. The most significant success is that we were able to not only synthesis these molecules in our laboratories, but also arrange them in a certain three-letter order known as a codon, which codes for an amino acid. The four-nucleotide text might be arranged in 64 different ways to code for all twenty amino acids needed to produce proteins that conduct all of our biological functions. A cell is made up of thousands of proteins that interact. A Tissue is made up of millions of cells, hundreds of tissues are made up of organs, and a Human is made up of multiple organs. Once we synthesize RNA molecule in the Lab, we can create novel microbial life forms, a series of biological machines which carry instructions to produce new food, new fuel, and new medicine to treat every disease known to mankind.

Discusses the meaning of the term new world order (NWO) and defines its economic dimensions. Identifies three common principles of any workable NWO: material, social and spiritual dimensions. Links these dimensions in an analytical framework. Reviews the literature on the theories and concepts which further our understanding and identification of societal ideals. Describes ways to integrate the social and spiritual dimensions into production, consumption and exchange. Attempts to link the ideals of a NWO with the potential behaviour of corporations to create a smoother transition towards sustained global welfare.

The aim of this article is to show that the so-called 'war' against terrorism that was launched by the transnational elite in the aftermath of the events of 11 September, like the previous 'wars' of the transnational elite (Iraq, Yugoslavia), aims at securing the stability of the New World Order (NWO) which is founded on capitalist neoliberal globalisation and representative 'democracy' by crushing any perceived threats against it. However, this is also a new type of war. Unlike the previous 'wars', this is a global and permanent war--a global war, because its targets are not only specific 'rogue' regimes, which are not fully integrated in the NWO or simply do not 'toe the line', but any kind of regime or social group and movement that resists the NWO: from the Palestinian up to the anti-globalisation movements; and permanent war, because it is bound to continue for as long as the NWO and the systemic and state violence associated with it, to protect the present huge asymmetry of power between and within nations (which give rise to counter-violence), are perpetuated.