Abstract

The far right typically performs worse in local elections than in national ones. We propose that a key reason for this underperformance is the difference in how intergroup attitudes manifest and are informed in local and national settings. We document the existence of a local-national gap in intergroup attitudes through survey experiments and open-ended survey questions that randomly vary whether study-participants are asked about the national or the local setting. In the first experiment, we find a substantial local-national gap, where the influx of refugees during the refugee crisis was seen as instigating changes in the national setting, but rarely locally. In the second experiment, we investigate the perceived amount and nature of public discussions about refugees and immigration. We again find a substantial local-national gap. Compared to discussions in the local setting, there is a perception of more discussion in the national setting, and the nature of those discussions are perceived as more heated, conflictual, and biased than local discussions. We also find a local-national gap in information sources about refugees and immigration in a final study. In local questions, native citizens are more likely to rely on everyday experiences and social networks. In national questions, they are more likely to rely on media representations. These local-national gaps are seen in urban, suburban, and rural areas. Importantly, we also find the gap among respondents who had an asylum seeker center established in their local community recently. The local-national gaps in intergroup attitudes revealed here can account for patterns in far-right electoral performance that so far have remained puzzling, and they deserve further attention in future research both in political science and social psychology.

Highlights

  • How come far-right parties are less successful electorally in local elections than in national ones? This is a puzzle that has received less attention than it deserves in the voluminous literature on the far right, (e.g., Mudde, 2007; Kriesi et al, 2008; Norris and Inglehart 2018; Ivarsflaten et al, 2019)

  • We propose that an important missing piece in explanations of the local-national gap in far-right electoral performance is to be found through an improved model of intergroup attitudes

  • We revealed that natives relate systematically differently to questions concerning immigration and immigrants in local and national settings

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Summary

INTRODUCTION

How come far-right parties are less successful electorally in local elections than in national ones? This is a puzzle that has received less attention than it deserves in the voluminous literature on the far right, (e.g., Mudde, 2007; Kriesi et al, 2008; Norris and Inglehart 2018; Ivarsflaten et al, 2019). An example of how a local-national gap would manifest and result in a premium on far-right electoral outcomes at the national level is the following: If immigrant-origin minority presence does not disrupt everyday lives considerably in the local setting, reactions may well be muted and concerns not spurred about immigration and immigrants when the focus is on the local community. A recent qualitative study from Norwegian local communities during the refugee crisis showed that people reported fewer negative experiences resulting from the establishment of ASCs than anticipated before the asylum seekers arrived (Bygnes, 2020) This finding spurred our interest in how people perceive change depending on whether they focus on the national or local setting. Experiment 1 was included in wave (June 2018), whereas Experiments 2 and 3 were included in wave (October-November 2018)

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DATA AVAILABILITY STATEMENT
ETHICS STATEMENT
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