Abstract
In this paper I shall put forward the hypothesis that no-pas in Catalan — in contrast to no — is a negative operator which contributes to implicatures, but not to truth-conditions. Assuming a cognitively oriented pragmatic relevance framework, I shall argue that the specific interpretations systematically associated with Catalan no-pas negative structures follow from the hypothesis that this adverbial is a linguistic marker of echoic interpretive use.
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