The International Status of Taiwan in the New World Order. Legal and Political Considerations

Jean-Marie Henckaerts (Hrsg.)

doi:10.5771/0506-7286-1998-3-400_2

Abstract

Part 1 The international legal status of Taiwan: The international legal status of Taiwan, Hungdah Chiu Is Taiwan a part of China? H. Kuijper Toward modern concepts of sovereignty and statehood, M.C. Davis. Part 2 Responses to diplomatic isolation - informal diplomacy: Limitations and prospects of Taiwan's informal diplomacy, Linjun Wu Does flexible diplomacy improve Taiwan's international status? K. Moller. Part 3 Responses to diplomatic isolation - participation in international organizations: Taiwan's return to international organizations - policies, problems and prospects, D. Van Vranken Hickey Taiwan's 'return' to international organizations, Ko Swan Sik All dressed up but not invited to the party - can Taiwan join the United Nations now the Cold War is over? V. Wei-Cheng Wang The Republic of China's right to participate in the United Nations, Sheng-Tsung Yang Taiwan's right to be heard before the security council, J.E. Lord Taiwan's option of becoming a permanent observer, L.B. Sohn The United Nations framework for the participation of observers, N. Sybesma-Knol Taiwan, China and the United Nations, Lung-Chu Chen. Part 4 relations across the Taiwan Strait: The paradox of Taiwan-mainland China relations, J.C. Hsiung The development of Cross-Strait policies in China and Taiwan, Cheng-Wen Tsai. Part 5 Concluding observations: Self-determination in action for the People of Taiwan, J.M. Henckaerts. Appendices: legal aspects of the problem of representation in the United Nations general assembly resolution on the representation of China in the United Nations the Chinese White Paper on Cross-Strait relations the Taiwanese White Paper on Cross-Strait relations request to consider the exceptional situation of Taiwan in the international context.

Highlights

Contemporary visitors to the coastal city of Amoy (Siamen) in the province of Fujian in mainland China can admire, atop a rock on the small off-shore island of Gulangyu, a huge concrete statue of Koxinga (Zheng Chenggong), the Ming loyalist who, after the Ming Dynasty had been overrun by the conquering Manchu in 1 644, drove the Dutch from their last redoubt in Taiwan, the Castle Zeelandia in the south of the !lha Formosa, in February 1 662, not long before his own death, in Taiwan on 23 June 1 662, and subjugation, by the nomad Manchus ' newly established Qing Dynasty, of the remaining elements of Southem Ming resistance still active in Taiwan and Fujial1
Almost fifty years after the founding of the People's Republie of China (PRC), the ROC still exists on Taiwan as a separate political entity and has developed a thriving modern eeonomy as weil as a pluralist, if oeeasionally quite rumbustious, demoeraey
The ROC has been pushed to the fringes of international relations, after being replaeed by the PRC in the United Nations in 1 9 7 1 and following diplomatie "de-reeognition" in favour of Peking by erstwhile allies sueh as the United States of Ameriea and Japan

Summary

Introduction

Contemporary visitors to the coastal city of Amoy (Siamen) in the province of Fujian in mainland China can admire, atop a rock on the small off-shore island of Gulangyu, a huge concrete statue of Koxinga (Zheng Chenggong) , the Ming loyalist who, after the Ming Dynasty had been overrun by the conquering Manchu in 1 644, drove the Dutch from their last redoubt in Taiwan, the Castle Zeelandia in the south of the !lha Formosa, in February 1 662, not long before his own death, in Taiwan on 23 June 1 662, and subjugation, by the nomad Manchus ' newly established Qing Dynasty, of the remaining elements of Southem Ming resistance still active in Taiwan and Fujial1. 1 Koxinga's stern modern likeness curiously faces the Amoy shoreline, rather than the open seas whence naval relief for the Dutch on Taiwan was once to be expected to arrive from B atavia, as if the builders of the monument had wished to commemorate Koxinga more for his doomed last stand against the new Manchu power i n Peking than for his ouster of the "red-haired barbarians " (hong maofan).

Results

Conclusion