Abstract

A entrada pelo Tribunal Penal Internacional (TPI) nas disputas pós-eleitorais de 2007-2008 causou preocupação entre os políticos do Quênia e influenciou os resultados das eleições de 2013? Este artigo argumenta que o indiciamento de quenianos proeminentes pelo TPI por atrocidades cometidas durante a violência pós-eleitoral foi a primeira tentativa de quebrar um ciclo vicioso de impunidade profundamente entrincheirado no corpo político do país. Entretanto, os indiciados exploraram os casos contra eles para exacerbar descontinuidades étnicas, polarizar o país e garantir uma controversa vitória por Uhuru Kenyatta e William Ruto durante as eleições de 2013, apesar de enfrentarem acusações abomináveis perante o TPI. Crucialmente, o Tribunal precipitou incerteza e trepidação entre os cleptocratas que estavam no poder no Quênia desde 1963, o ano da independência do país. A vitória presidencial controversa de Kenyatta em 2013 foi tanto pessoal quanto oligárquica, já que garantiu a continuidade do controle das esferas políticas e econômicas do Quênia por uma plutocracia autorreplicante. Com o controle do aparato estatal, Kenyatta e Ruto conseguiram com sucesso combater a ameaça representada pelo TPI. O artigo analisa a impunidade política no TPI, e a política étnica, através do prisma dos casos do Quênia perante o TPI.

Highlights

  • How has the International Criminal Court (ICC) influenced Kenya’s politics following the naming of six prominent Kenyans in 2010 that the local media referred to as the ‘Ocampo Six’, suspected masterminds of the 2007-2008 postelection violence? The entry by the ICC into Kenya’s violently disputed elections in 2007 unsettled Kenya’s political elite attuned to impunity so much that Uhuru Kenyatta and William Ruto presented a joint presidential candidacy during the 2013 elections under Jubilee coalition, cynically referred to as the “alliance of the accused”, so as to try and gain leverage over the ICC

  • The article is seminal in the sense that it analyses the nexus of Kenya’s indigenous capital, spoils politics, violence and elusive justice

  • In 2005, the African Commission on Human and People’s Rights issued a resolution on ending impunity in Africa and on the domestication and implementation of the Rome Statute of the ICC. It called on civil society organisations in Africa to work together and develop partnerships that further respect the rule of law internationally and strengthen the Statute (CICC n.d.)

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Summary

Introduction

How has the ICC influenced Kenya’s politics following the naming of six prominent Kenyans in 2010 that the local media referred to as the ‘Ocampo Six’, suspected masterminds of the 2007-2008 postelection violence? The entry by the ICC into Kenya’s violently disputed elections in 2007 unsettled Kenya’s political elite attuned to impunity so much that Uhuru Kenyatta and William Ruto presented a joint presidential candidacy during the 2013 elections under Jubilee coalition, cynically referred to as the “alliance of the accused”, so as to try and gain leverage over the ICC. Implementation of the constitution has faced impediments since promulgation because Kenyatta, an offshoot of Kenya’s plutocracy, stands to lose in the event a reformed state comes into being This sense of self-preservation is untenable because Kenya’s stability depends on establishment of the rule of law and justice. The collapse of Kenya’s two cases before the ICC, the first against Uhuru Kenyatta and the second against William Ruto and Joshua Sang, preceded by dropping of charges against three other suspects, is two pronged It exposes deficiencies of the ICC, a legal as well as political institution. The article is seminal in the sense that it analyses the nexus of Kenya’s indigenous capital, spoils politics, violence and elusive justice It shows how this linkage played itself out in international criminal justice and Kenya’s international relations following the naming of Kenyatta, Ruto and others as masterminds of crimes against humanity during the 20072008 postelection violence. Daniel Moi, Kenya’s second president and Jomo Kenyatta’s longest serving vice president, politically

52 Brazilian Journal of African Studies
A Clash between the ICC and ‘Africa’
A Local Tribunal versus The ICC
Conclusion
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