THE GENDER POLITICS OF POSTFEMINIST SEMANTICS

Abstract

1.IntroductionPostfeminism exploits a concept of feminism as inflexible, far-reaching, anti-sex and affair, challenging and extremist, providing the contentment of (re)claiming a distinctiveness manageable by gender politics, postmodernism, or established critique. Postfeminism frequently operates as a way of recording and apparently determining the continuity of option quandaries for women. The tremendous ideological effect that is constituted by an accrual of postfeminist cultural matter is the underpinning of conventional norms as the critical preeminent options (Bratu, 2016; Magrini, 2016; Schwieler and Magrini, 2015) in women's lives. Postfeminism confers substantial relevance to the configuration of a meaningful personal routine and the capacity to decide on the appropriate articles of trade to accomplish it, fetishizing female ascendancy and craving while reliably placing them within definite boundaries. (Negra, 2009)2.The Intricate, Shifting Gender Dynamics of the Present Postfeminist CultureThe influential politics within feminism has come out from the liberaldemocratic practice with a stress on marginal restructuring. The main goal is equality of chance, in which personal development is highlighted over essential alterations in the structural regulation of society. State interference concentrates on attaining a harmony between individual self-determination and community interests (Barnett, 2015; Krivochen, 2016; Rauch, 2016), assisting in moderating between opposing concerns. Liberal feminism is bound to accomplishing superior gender equality via legislative and policy amendment, its mission being to formulate and engage in carrying out schemes for alteration and bringing about equality for women via regulation within the political mechanisms and social strategies of liberal democracy. (Coppock et al., 2014)Postfeminism repudiates the egalitarian doctrines of feminism, becoming established as an ideological system in an epoch in which democratic fairness has coagulated into entitlism, substantially developing in the framework of influential antidemocratic propensities. The choices, chances, and incentives undergone by women in postfeminist media ensue to a gilt-edged group in possession of substantial informational, social, and financial resources. Postfeminism represses flexibility, furthering hindrance and the compliance to normative patterns of distinctiveness (Buchely, 2016; O'Neill, 2015; Zaharia and Zaharia, 2015) even while publicizing self-improving consumerism. Postfeminism flourishes on restlessness about aging, revamping the latter among a diversity of generational clusters and encompassing the possibility of age evasion. Postfeminism directs representational attention on household, time, labor, and consumer culture, and is likely to generate accounts and pictures that signify female apprehension and imagine female emancipation in these spheres. Retreatism is an essential social routine of postfeminist culture, being both vague and politically inconclusive. The postfeminist media culture inclines to reprocess established representational codes but deprives them of their reformist and/or conflicting attributes. In a hypermatrimonial, post- feminist culture, critical situations frequently convert to analysis even as individuals' recollection of topical mediathons disappears. (Negra, 2009)Individuals of all genders embrace the neoliberal, postfeminist subject view. Postfeminist rhetoric has highlighted and valorized female accomplishments within male-dominated labor settings. Postfeminism's emphasis on the female expert shapes the presumed entitlement to toil and spend money as the rationale of personal autonomy for women. Postfeminism formulates the newfangled self-determination for women as the capacity to make personal decisions, although the unmitigated amount of options and the requirement (Chen, 2015; Peters, 2015) to make them on an incessant reason has contributed to option occasionally becoming a burden. …