The Formalization Process in Voluntary Associations

Abstract

T HIS study was undertaken with the purpose of testing the hypothesis of a cumulative process of in voluntary associations in the Minneapolis and St. Paul metropolitan area in 1952. No attempt was made to define the concept of formalization in precise terms. The meaning accorded to the term bv the majority of sociological writers was considered sufficiently definite. Accordingly, the process of was interpreted to imply a sequential, stage-by-stage development of voluntary associations over time; an increasing complexity in the social structure, a progressive prescription and standardization of social relationships and finally, an increasing bureaucratization of the organization.' This study of voluntary associations consisted of a survey of 91 organizations. A random sample was drawn from a list of 456 voluntary associations compiled by the Minnesota Council for Adult Education. This list was used because it seemed to be the most inclusive enumeration of existing voluntary associations in the Twin City area. The random sample consisted of 119 associations, 84 of which responded to the request for an interview.2 Another random sample of seven organizations was drawn from a list of 79 voluntary associations compiled by the Minneapolis Chamber of Commerce. The reason for the second sample was primarily due to the desire to increase the number of service clubs represented in the first sample. In each association, two officers were interviewed with a schedule-preferably the president and the executive secretary. For the coding of responses and preparation of the IBM cards one schedule was used for each association, preferably the one used for interviewing the executive secretary, or if not available, the president's was selected. In summary form below we present some of our findings. (See Table 1.) 1. As the number of members of an association increases, the frequency of general meetings first rises sharply, then decreases and approaches quarterly membership meetings, (r = -.25). 2. The larger the membership, the smaller the percentage of the membership attending general meetings, (r = -.37). Our findings suggest in connection with the above two points, that, though it is possible or even likely that in some cases this development signifies the disintegration of the primary type of social group this is not necessarily the case in a majority of associations. In general, two factors are probably present. First, as the membership increases an increasing number of new members are not absorbed into the association but merely remain nominal members; and second, much of the activity and interest of the individual members is focused in subgroupings (cliques or membership units) and their social life. 3. It was found that the frequency of the board of director's meetings is not related to the number of standing committees (r = -.06). A low inverse relationship was obtained for the number of members and the frequency of the board of director's meetings, i.e., as the number of members increase, the frequency of board meetings decreases (r = -.25). The same inverse relationship was found for the number of paid employees and 1 See F. Stuart Chapin and John E. Tsouderos, Formalization Observed in Ten Voluntary Associations: Concepts, Morphology, Process, Social Forces, 33 (May 1955), pp. 306-309; and John E. Tsouderos, Organizational Change in Terms of a Series of Selected Variables, American Sociological Review, 20 (April 1955), pp. 206-210. 2 The reasons for the 35 other associations not interviewed were: 3 ceased existence; 3 were governmental or municipal agencies; 5, business or cooperative companies; 10, inadequate or no information-unlocated; 9, out-of-town associations; 1, branch of another organization; 4 were refusals. Governmental agencies and political associations, originally included in the list, were checked off and not considered as part of the universe.