The Fedorovian Roots of Stalinism

Abstract

Nikolai Fedorov (d. 1903) was one of the more eccentric of Russian philosophers. He spent his life as a humble librarian in the major Moscow library. His philosophical writings, published posthumously as the Philosophy of the Common Deed (Filosofiia obshchego dela), were a curious mixture of radical and conservative ideas. They also reflected the global trends in European thought. To start with, Fedorov was a man of the nineteenth century, the century of science. Scientists of that time, both in the hard sciences and social sciences, had a strong belief in the ability of science not only to lay bare the mysteries of the world but also to solve all of humanity's problems. Secondly, it was a century of rapid technological progress, and many intellectuals of the period were fascinated with the industrial revolution. Thirdly, the nineteenth century was a time of contradictory trends. On the one hand, democratic institutions continued to expand and the French Revolution continued to be popular in political discourse as the event which had ushered in the beginning of the democratic era. On the other hand, the driving ideas behind democracy, as it emerged in the eighteenth century, were beginning to be questioned. All of this-the almost religious belief in the power of science, the fascination with technology, and the skeptical approach to Western democracy-could be seen among European thinking. Marx can be viewed here as a good example. These ideas later found their way into Russia where they, as often is the case in Russian culture, were taken to their extremes. The belief in the power of science and an ideal society appealed to the opposition to the Imperial Government. But the skeptical approach to Western democracy appealed both to the monarchist right and the radical left and provided, at first glance, a curious connection between two hostile political camps. In the Russian case, this hatred of democracy was wrapped in Russian nationalism which viewed the West as essentially immoral and brutal. This intellectual milieu facilitated the development of Fedorov's grandiose plan for humanity. In Fedorov's view, the Russian people, led by the czar, were essentially driven by a love for their ancestors, whereas the West was obsessed with destructive sexual desire. Humanity must be united behind the leadership of the Russian people who, empowered by technological progress, should and could achieve a final mastery over nature and the cosmos. The resurrection of the dead was seen as one of the practical implications of such a project. In short, Fedorovism was a sort of promethean totalitarianism with strong nationalistic overtones. Despite the obscurity of his position and his extravagant views, Fedorov's philosophy was known to quite a few prominent Russian intellectuals in his lifetime. After the Bolshevik Revolution, however, his views circulated widely among the Soviet elite and gradually increased in popularity, reaching their zenith during the Stalinist era. Fedorov's philosophy fit well with the nationalistic messianism of Stalinism and, to some degree, with Soviet ideology in general. Fedorovism substantiated the Soviet Union's belief that it was the leader of humanity. Not only would the Bolsheviks lead humanity to the creation of a harmonious society, they would provide the leadership for humanity in its quest for dominion over nature and the cosmos and its search for eternal life. The end of Fedorovism as a force in Russian thought coincided with the collapse of the Soviet regime and the resulting intellectual paralysis among Russian thinkers who believed that their county had lost its leading position. Fedorov's love for technology, and the connection of this love with the traditions of Russian radicalism are acknowledged by modern scholars, but his totalitarian proclivities (also rooted in the tradition of Russian radicalism) have escaped analysis. Yet an understanding of these proclivities is quite important if one is to understand why the Fedorovian philosophy in general, and its occult manifestation in particular, were so easily incorporated into Bolshevism and Stalinism. …