Abstract
This paper discusses the main minimalist theory within the Minimalist Program, something I dub the (Weak) Merge Hypothesis (MH). (1) The (Weak) Merge Hypothesis (MH): Merge is a central G operation. I suggest that we extend (1) by adding to it a general principle that I dub the Fundamental Principle of Grammar (FPG). (2) The Fundamental Principle of Grammar (FPG): α and β can be grammatically related. (G-related) only if α and β have merged. Adding (1) and (2) gives us the Strong Merge Hypothesis. (3) The Strong Merge Hypothesis (SMH): All grammatical dependencies are mediated by Merge. SMH has some interesting consequences which the rest of the paper briefly reviews. Highlights include the Movement Theory of Construal, The Periscope Property on selection, as well as preserving the standard results from the Weak Merge Hypothesis.
Highlights
Gives us the Strong Merge Hypothesis. (3) The Strong Merge Hypothesis (SMH): All grammatical dependencies are mediated by Merge
I will suggest that we extend this hypothesis by adding to it a general principle that I dub the Fundamental Principle of Grammar (FPG)
(2017) [4].) Building on this I want to suggest that we investigate an extremely strong version of the Merge Hypothesis, one that incorporates what I will dub the “Fundamental
Summary
Gives us the Strong Merge Hypothesis. (3) The Strong Merge Hypothesis (SMH): All grammatical dependencies are mediated by Merge. Like all well-educated Minimalists, I will leave the question unaddressed in what follows.) The SMH is far more specific than the SMT and can be true even if Merge is not the optimal operation for linking the interfaces. The specification of Merge in (6) differs from the operation assumed in much contemporary Minimalist theory.
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