Abstract
in introducing his book on the early history of the Rastafari movement, Robert A. Hill mentioned the chronic historical myopia1 induced by the i960 report on the Rastafari movement written by M. G. Smith, Roy Augier and Rex Nettleford. Indeed, despite a few major references,2 research of a historical nature on Rastafari is lagging behind anthropological and theological enquiries. The cost of such disciplinary unbalance is high as results in the substitution of largely apocryphal statements in place of verifiable historical data,3 and produces a biased knowledge that often relies on particularly intense relationships between researchers and Rastafari. This essay aims to contribute to our knowledge of the Rastafari movement between 1937 and 1969, crucial formative years when Rastafari evolved from a voice suppressed in Jamaica to one receiving international recognition. The Ethiopian World Federation (EWF) is an important organisation in more ways than one: it was the first institution to emanate from a political decision made by Haile Selassie I, Emperor of Ethiopia, with respect to the black communities. Notwithstanding its fragility, it remains active today. The history of the EWF is totally disregarded despite the fact that it has structured the Rastafari movement in Jamaica and worldwide, and that the settlement in Shashemene, Ethiopia, is inseparably related to its existence and function. Weaving together archives, prints and oral history collected in the United States, Jamaica and Ethiopia, this paper dwells on the history of the foundation of the EWF, its establishment in Jamaica, and the struggles of Rastafari to be part of it.The foundation of the EWFWhile war was raging in Ethiopia, a mission was established in 1936 in Harlem, New York, representing several American black associations: the United Aid for Ethiopia, the Ethiopian Research Council and the Medical Committee for the Defense of Ethiopia. It was led by Dr Phillip Savory, accompanied by Reverend William Imes and Cyril Philips, who made a very discreet departure from the United States so as not to be obstructed by American authorities. They went to Bath, England, where the emperor was in exile. The delegates met with Haile Selassie, Melaku Beyen and Dr Charles Martin (Worqneh Eshete), to whom several documents were delivered, including strong criticisms of John H. Shaw, the consul - a white man - who represented Ethiopia in the United States. One pressing request of the mission was to receive a representative of the emperor on American soil, in order to lend legitimacy to the actions undertaken by various pro-Ethiopian associations and to channel the funds yet to be received by the emperor.4 Their request was approved and in September 1936, Melaku Beyen arrived with his family in New York to found the Ethiopian World Federation. They were welcomed by the delegates and other black personalities. It was a historic moment, the first fruit of a mission entirely designed and led by Afro-Americans with the view of opposing the aggression launched by a European nation on African soil. 5Melaku Beyen (1900-1940) had done his preparatory studies in Bombay, India; along with Beshawered Habte-Wold and Werqu Gobene, he was one of the first Ethiopians to have studied in the United States. All three were registered at Muskingum College in Ohio. Werqu never finished his studies, whereas Beshawered received his degree in chemistry in 1928 and Melaku his degree in economy in 1929. Melaku's stay in the United States was marked by his closeness to Afro-Americans. He recruited the aviators Hubert Julian and John Robinson for the emperor and married an Afro-American woman.6 Melaku was eminently qualified to succeed in the mission of federating the pro-Ethiopian organisations. On his return to New York in 1936, he re-encountered the racialised spaces which had changed little during his absence, and set quickly to work. He travelled throughout the United States, organised public meetings, made many speeches, and set up the Haile Selassie Fund Drive, aimed at the financial mobilisation of the black lower middle class and tradesmen in Harlem. …
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