The Effects of Polysemic Structures on Olympic Viewing

Abstract

The Effects of Polysemic Structures on Olympic Viewing There has been substantial interest in factors that generate spectator interest in sport events--whether in order to promote event attendance or to drive up television ratings. The rapid development of our knowledge about spectators (e.g. Slepicka, 1995; Wenner and Gantz, 1998; Zillman and Paulus, 1993) can be expected to improve the ways that messages are targeted, and the nature of the experiences we provide to spectators. The continuing challenge is to develop and test theories that provide frameworks for the design of events and the construction of messages to promote those events (cf Kahle, Kambara and Rose, 1996; Madrigal, 1995; Mahoney and Moorman, 1999). One useful means toward that end has been to study successful sport events, and to develop models that describe the success of those events. In terms of audience size and scope, the Olympic Games are clearly the most successful event on the world sporting calendar (MacAloon, 1984; Rothenbuhler, 1995). During the 1980s, there was substantial cross-national research seeking to identify the sources of the Games' appeal. On the basis of that work, Chalip (1992) elaborated a general model that describes spectator interest in terms of the polysemic character of the Olympic Games--that is, the capacity of the Games to generate multiple meanings for viewers. From a marketing standpoint, the ability to generate multiple meanings can provide multiple hooks to capture the interest of multiple market segments. Chalip suggested that spectator interest derives from three sources: (1) the Games' capacity to generate an array of narratives, each of which becomes a separate invitation to fascination with the Games; (2) the simultaneous presence of multiple genres (i.e. sport, spectacle and festival); and (3) the presence of an array of symbols (e.g. flags, anthems, mascots) that impart a sense of the sacred to the Olympic Games. Although the Olympic Games provided the initial impetus for the polysemic theory, examples of the three elements identified by the theory exist (planned or otherwise) in many sport marketing campaigns. Narratives about athletes and coaches are regularly used to build spectator interest, particularly in the lead-up to an event. For example, in the lead-up to the 2000 Olympic Games, the Australian media have published and broadcast a series of stories about athletes striving to compete at the Games. Similarly, multiple genres have become commonplace elements of major sporting events, contributing to the hype and amplifying both the level of excitement and interest in the event as well as the length of the event itself. The college football bowl games in the United States, for example, are accompanied by a week-long festival which often includes the spectacle of a parade--a spectator event in its own right. These elements surround and interact with the sport itself, and may thereby account for a large proportion of spectators that have little interest in the sport itself. Finally, sport marketers often take advantage of a wide array of symbols to create a heightened sense of importance and interest in an event. One has only to look at the images of major sporting events that have been incorporated into various marketing communication campaigns to gain a sense of their impact on brand image (e.g. the image of the event, team or facility). For example, what would the Rugby World Cup be without the faces (and sometimes bodies) painted in team colours? The FIFA World Cup without the sea of team colours or sound of the national chants and supporters' songs? The NCAA Final Four basketball tournament without the team mascots, cheerleaders and bands? However effective these elements are individually, they are even more powerful when used in an integrated marketing campaign. Despite minimal testing of the polysemic theory, it clearly has practical utility for marketers. …