Abstract

Infants struggle to apply earlier-demonstrated sound-discrimination abilities to later word learning, attending to non-constrastive acoustic dimensions (e.g., Hay et al., 2015), and not always to contrastive dimensions (e.g., Stager & Werker, 1997). One hint about the nature of infants' difficulties comes from the observation that input from multiple talkers can improve word learning (Rost & McMurray, 2009). This may be because, when a single talker says both of the to-be-learned words, consistent talker's-voice characteristics make the acoustics of the two words more overlapping (Apfelbaum & McMurray, 2011). Here, we test that notion. We taught 14-month-old infants two similar-sounding words in the Switch habituation paradigm. The same amount of overall talker variability was present as in prior multiple-talker experiments, but male and female talkers said different words, creating a gender-word correlation. Under an acoustic-similarity account, correlated talker gender should help to separate words acoustically and facilitate learning. Instead, we found that correlated talker gender impaired learning of word-object pairings compared with uncorrelated talker gender-even when gender-word pairings were always maintained in test-casting doubt on one account of the beneficial effects of talker variability. We discuss several alternate potential explanations for this effect.

Highlights

  • Infants learn an impressive amount about their native-language sound categories in the first year of life

  • We evaluated whether the distribution of talker gender might have impacted the words’ voice-onset times (VOT)

  • We first conducted an analysis of variance (ANOVA) to compare word learning across the two conditions of Experiment 2, including the between-subjects factor Condition (“Test of Learning,” in which trained gender-word pairings were maintained in test, vs. “Test of Generalization,” in which they were sometimes violated) and the within-subjects factor Trial Type (Same, Switch, and Novel)

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Summary

Introduction

Infants learn an impressive amount about their native-language sound categories in the first year of life. Infants’ word-form recognition becomes more robust over the first year to changes on phonologically irrelevant dimensions like talker’s voice (Houston & Jusczyk, 2000), pitch (Singh, White, & Morgan, 2008), and affect (Singh, Morgan, & White, 2004). These findings suggest that over the course of the first year, infants are pulling the relevant dimensions out of previously undimensionalized acoustic input (Jusczyk, 1993). Even after the early “perceptual reorganization” for native-language sound discrimination, infants are still learning to attend to contrastive dimensions and listen through non-contrastive dimensions in word learning

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