The differential representation of number and gender in Spanish

Zuzanna Fuchs,Gregory Scontras,Maria Polinsky

doi:10.1515/tlr-2015-0008

Zuzanna Fuchs, Gregory Scontras + Show 1 more

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https://doi.org/10.1515/tlr-2015-0008

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Abstract

AbstractThis paper investigates the geometry of phi-features, with a special emphasis on number and gender in Spanish. We address two sets of questions: (i) are number and gender bundled together or do they constitute separate categories, and (ii) does the internal feature composition of number and gender follow a single- or a multi-valued system? Given the lack of consensus on these issues based on primary data, we approach these questions experimentally, using the phenomenon of agreement attraction: a situation in which ungrammatical sequences are perceived as grammatical when one of the NPs is erroneously identified as determining agreement. Our results offer novel support in favor of an agreement model in which number and gender are in separte projections and are valued independently. In addition, our results indicate that number but not gender in Spanish is multi-valued.

Highlights

1.1 Bundling and splitting in feature geometryAgreement is everywhere, which is probably why it is so hard to determine where exactly it is; researchers continue to debate about whether it is syntactic (e.g., Baker, 2008; Preminger, 2014), post-syntactic (e.g., Bobaljik, 2008), or distributed across several levels of representation (e.g., Wechsler and ZlatiÊ, 2003)
We split the analyses into five parts: we begin by analyzing number features, looking at their e ect on singular and plural head nouns; we shift to gender features, looking at masculine and feminine head nouns
Both primary data and the experimental work presented here indicate that Spanish number is a represented by a binary opposition, with singular and plural both specified and visible in the feature specification space

Summary

Introduction

Agreement is everywhere, which is probably why it is so hard to determine where exactly it is; researchers continue to debate about whether it is syntactic (e.g., Baker, 2008; Preminger, 2014), post-syntactic (e.g., Bobaljik, 2008), or distributed across several levels of representation (e.g., Wechsler and ZlatiÊ, 2003) Another set of unresolved issues deals with the nature and representation of the features involved in agreement: phi-features. What remains less clear is the relationship of these features to each other and their hierarchical arrangement in agreement systems. Agreement in Spanish is rampant: determiners, adjectives, and participles must all agree with a head noun in both number and gender. This agreement in number and gender is maintained in anaphors.

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