The cost of voting: Its fiscal impact on government

Abstract

Public demand for facilitating registration and simplifying procedures has escalated in recent years. Under President Carter's proposal, the Universal Registration Act of 1977, citizens who qualify will be permitted to register and vote on election day for federal elections. Carter hopes to encourage states to ease election day registration with financial grants that are proportional to the number of people who vote in each state. Political enthusiasm for the proposal is bi-partisan: it is backed by the fervor of people who believe that election day registration approaches a moral imperative. Senator Edward Kennedy has said: 'Election day registration is a brilliant solution to the chaos, confusion, and irrationality of our archaic voter registration laws. By enabling citizens to register at the polling place on election day, we can eliminate many of the most serious obstacles to voter participation in America, and open up the franchise to millions of our citizens ... Election day registration will be a giant step forward in our efforts to increase voter turnout, revitalize our democracy, and enhance the right to vote' (Congressional Record, pp. 54566-54567). Senator Frank Cannon, sponsor of the bill in Senate, argues that a goal of the Universal Registration Act is simply to 'increase voter participation in the electoral process' (Congressional Record, pp. 54561). However, like so many others, neither he nor Kennedy explains why increasing voter participation is desirable or how increasing voter participation will affect the course or efficiency of government policy. Perhaps Senators Cannon and Kennedy believe that the easing of registration and voting procedure is its own justification; that it is a basic value which is part and parcel of the democratic system. Be that as it may, we shy away from attempting to validate the philosophical justifications for changing any democratic procedure, although we recognize the importance of such concerns.