The Confederation Court

Abstract

In 1787, Noah Webster, brooding on state of nation, observed, of general tranquility, one State has been involved in a civil war, and most of them are tom with factions, which weaken or destroy energy of Instead of a free commerce with all world, our trade is every where fettered with restraints and impositions, dictated by foreign interest. . . . Instead of a union of States and measures, essential to welfare of a great nation, each State is jealous of its neighbor, and struggling for superiority in wealth and importance, at hazard even of our federal existence.1The civil and political disarray under Confederation set Webster searching for causes and projecting remedies. He did not find cause in defective charters of Rather he saw problem as arising from total dependency of United States upon Europe for manners. Amer icans seemed to Webster smitten with allure of European modes and intent on luxury. present ambition of Americans is, to introduce as fast as possible, fashionable amusements of European courts. Webster ar gued that only transformation of women's opinion could break thralldom of European manners. Until this occurred, the revolution of America is yet incomplete. Until then, feudal Europeans give us their fashions, they direct our taste to make a market for their commodities; they engross profits of our industry, without hazard of defending us, or expense of supporting our civil government. But how to transform opinion? Webster believed it was in power of an array of tastemakers scattered over continent to complete revolution. If our implicit submission to prevailing taste of European involves individuals and public in unnecessary expenses, it is in power of a few influential characters in each of our commercial cities to remedy whole evil. And in a reformation of this kind, ladies would have no inconsiderable share.2Webster's recourse to press suggests that he believed that print would be agent of change, inspiring influential characters from Savannah to Portsmouth to eschew sumptuary excess and European goods. But print is a peculiarly disembodied thing, while fashion thrives on bodies. Webster failed to realize implications of his own cultural diagnosis; if court was so potent in promulgating maimers and dictating modes, it possessed most efficient means of changing manners. Webster resisted idea that to counter effects of European courts most promising course was to found an American court promoting republican manners. While Webster didn't grasp obvious, others did.If Webster did not see institutional remedy for his problem, he did view most matters with acuity. His diagnosis of troubles of Confederation possessed an analytic depth unmatched by most Federalist critics of state of union. His intuition that women were somehow involved in solution to cultural turmoil also spoke to a problem that has been apparent only in retrospect: The confederation was a government dominated by veterans of continental army, a body of men habituated to an ethic of valor and to resolving difficulties by application of force. Furthermore, officer coips looked to itself for moral and political sustenance. Its distrust of Congress and its exclusive solidarity made its reconstitution as Society of Cincinnati in 1783, after disbanding of army, a cause for crisis. That members of this exclusive brotherhood would seek elective office in Confederation stirred fears that a junto was installing itself in power. Such a prospect was not suited to establishing domestic tranquility.3George Washington, alarmed by public opposition to Cincinnati on eve of its first general meeting in Philadelphia in May 1784, sought advice of Thomas Jefferson. His reply, in addition to reiterating general objections to introducing influence of foreign courts, hereditary distinctions, and privilege and prerogative into government, assessed likely outcome of a fraternal gathering under peacetime conditions. …