The Chinese in Silicon Valley: Globalization, Social Networks, and Ethnic Identity (review)

Abstract

Bernard P. Wong, The Chinese Silicon Valley: Globalization, Social Networks, and Ethnic Identity. Lanham: Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, Inc., 2005, 288 pp. For many people, phrase the Chinese is likely to conjure images of railroad laborers and Gold Rush era Chinatowns. Bernard Wong's ethnography assists deconstructing this and other stereotypes about overseas Chinese, as well as effects of on such traditional anthropological topics as social ties, ethnic identity, and cultural practices. Anthropologically-informed statements about have become almost rote: results cultural homogenization; it leads to breakdown of social groupings; it creates a population of rootless transnationals who feel no allegiance to their adopted countries. While these generalizations may be true some cases, it is refreshing to learn of at least one exception-that of Chinese Silicon Valley. Though there are some commonalities within this group-it is overwhelmingly comprised of males who work high-tech industries-the population is otherwise quite diverse. Subgroups can be defined by such factors as country of origin (American-born Chinese, Taiwanese, mainland Chinese, and others), length of residence US, and visa status. One of Wong's main arguments is that and localization can function concomitantly. Localism, local social networks, and traditional institutions are maintained, and even cultivated and used for economic globalization (44). The use of social networks is a case point. Dealings between and companies take place via conduits of Chinese Americans and their social ties, or guanxi, Asia. These connections may be established on basis of kinship, friendship, alumni associations, or any number of other ties. This model is imperative, Wong argues, because hightech businesses operate on an informal and highly personal level, which is more along lines of an model of business whereby personalism, loyalty, and long working hours are expected (49). Frequent travel and long working hours a predominantly male workforce has resulted a bachelor society among Silicon Valley Chinese, so that while has had effect of lessening role of nuclear family, roles of other types of social groups are maintained or strengthened. Furthermore, Chinese Silicon Valley are invested their local communities as well as their overseas connections. They establish local groups, both formal and informal, based on friendships, associations, and common interests, and join pre-existing ones because, by and large, they see themselves as Americans and therefore have personal investments local communities. Another common assumption about is that it leads to demise of cultural diversity. Wong presents evidence that, rather than homogenizing into mainstream culture, pan-Asian or even pan-Chinese culture, diverse Chinese populations Silicon Valley actively seek to maintain their ethnic identities and cultural practices through agents such as language, foods, etiquette, media, and traditional festivals. This brings up an interesting point regarding Asian American identity. In Hawaii where, for example, Asians comprise fifty-eight percent of population, people of heritage do not identify themselves as Asian-American but rather identify more specifically with their particular national heritage(s)-Japanese, Filipino, Chinese, etc. In California and other mainland states, use of Asian American as an identity is more common, especially where numbers of Asians are low. Although, as Wong notes, population Silicon Valley grew large enough 1990s that Asians began to more readily identify themselves by particular ethnic group, to identify oneself as is still useful certain contexts, in order to have representation and a voice larger society (201). …