Abstract
In this paper we study the syntax of clitic-placement in Portuguese authors born from 1542 to 1836, as regards their patterns of clitic pronouns placement. The motivation for the research was to enquire: what is the pattern of enclisis (V-cl) and proclisis (cl-V) variation in those texts; is it indicative of linguistic change; if so, when in the timeline can the change be located?Drawing from the emprical results, we analyse the syntax of clitic placement in those texts as representative of a grammatical change which should be located in the first half of the 18th century. Our empirical arguments and structural analysis sustain that in texts up to the 18th century, enclisis is strictly a Verb-First phenomenon (even so, we will argue, in constructions that are supperficially non-verb initial). We sustain that the effects of this syntax in clitic placement ceases to be noticed for texts written by authors born after 1700.
Highlights
In the history of European Portuguese (EP), it is observed that, during the 16th century, in non-dependent affirmative sentences XP V, XP being a [+referential] phrase, the very predominant order between clitic pronouns and verbs is proclisis
Some quantifiers, like todos alguns and muitos present some cases of enclitic placement. At this point of our research, we did not take this variation into account, the order cl-V was computed as categorical proclisis, and the cases of enclisis were ignored
- the only case in which we find enclisis with an adverb is the following: 6. Êste/D discurso/N é/SR-P evidente/ADJ-G em/P toda/Q-F a/D-F parte/N,/, e/CONJ nestas/P+D-F-P onde/WADV eu/PRO agora/ADV ando/VB-P muito/Q mais/ADV-R que/CONJS em/P Paris/NPR,/, porque/CONJ lá/ADV não/NEG vemos/VB-P mais/ADV-R que/CONJS as/D-F-P grandezas/N-P de/P França/NPR,/, e/CONJ aqui/ADV vêem-se/VB-P+SE as/D-F-P suas/PRO$-F-P dependências/N-P,/, os/D-P seus/PRO$-P receios/N-P,/, as/D-F-P suas/PRO$-F-P contemporizações/N-P e/CONJ as/D-F-P suas/PRO$-F-P rogativas/N-P ./
Summary
In the history of European Portuguese (EP), it is observed that, during the 16th century, in non-dependent affirmative sentences XP V, XP being a [+referential] phrase, the very predominant order between clitic pronouns and verbs is proclisis (cf. Lobo 1992, Martins, 1994, Ribeiro 1995 among others). (1998) claim that this change occurred only at the end of the 18th century, and was triggered by a phonological change which affected the rhythm of the language during the 18th century (cf Teyssier 1975) This challenge of Martins’ conclusions is supported by Britto's (1999) description about proclisis-enclisis variation in Antonio Vieira's private correspondence, which revealed a very proclitic syntax (81,03% of proclisis). The variation we observe ceases to be produced by a single grammar, but is the effect of competition of grammars in the sense defined by Kroch (1994, 2000) Both from this qualitative point of view, and from a quantitative one, it is possible to argue that the authors born from 1713 on are already speakers of EP
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