Abstract

Abstract Many studies have documented a negative association between macroeconomic indicators and fertility in times of economic crisis. These studies are based on research designs that do not allow for excluding that the observed association is driven by confounders. The aim of the present paper is to estimate the causal effect of the Great Recession on cohorts’ childlessness in the United States. We apply a difference-in-difference approach to the probability of childlessness in two pseudo-cohorts of white women who entered the age of 34–36 years old being childless before the crisis, in 2004, and at the onset of the crisis, in 2007. Our identification strategy relies on the assumption that these two adjacent cohorts of women differ only because the latter cohort lived some critical years of reproductive life during the Great Recession period. We then study how many childless women aged 34–36 had a child when they were 37–39, between the years 2004 and 2007 for the control group and between the years 2007 and 2010 for the treatment group. We argue that an increase of childlessness at the age 37–39 is likely to lead to an increase in permanent childlessness, since major catch-up processes are unlikely after age 40. We replicate the analysis on two datasets: the American Community Survey and the Fertility Supplement of the Current Population Survey. Our findings suggest that the Great Recession has had a positive, though mild, effect on childlessness of white women at about the age of 40 in the US. JEL codes: Z0, J1, J110, J130, C21*

Highlights

  • Economic and labor market uncertainties are important determinants of the postponement of childbearing in contemporary society (Goldstein et al 2013; Kreyenfeld and Andersson 2014; Sobotka et al 2010, 2011)

  • 4 Results We start from the American Community Survey (ACS) sample and show that the results are very similar in the June Current Population Survey (CPS)

  • When comparing the treatment and control groups at the age of 34–36 on key determinants of fertility behavior, we find that the distribution across categories of marital status, educational attainment and employment status are almost identical across groups. 19

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Summary

Introduction

Economic and labor market uncertainties are important determinants of the postponement of childbearing in contemporary society (Goldstein et al 2013; Kreyenfeld and Andersson 2014; Sobotka et al 2010, 2011). At the aggregate level this holds true for the majority of the 20th century financial and economic crises that, albeit very differently, brought about a more or less pronounced reduction of birth rates (Sobotka et al 2010, 2011). Comolli and Bernardi IZA Journal of Labor Economics (2015) 4:21 term fertility decline that was only accelerated by economic downturns (Morgan et al 2011, 2012; Sobotka et al 2010, 2011). Despite being of small magnitude and mostly entailing only a postponement of births, the negative effect of economic hardship on fertility is an established finding in the literature: Sobotka et al (2010, 2011) show that, among 27 low-fertility countries in the period 1980–2008, GDP decline is associated with a drop in fertility 81% of the times. Becker (1960) argued that changes in fertility rates were positively correlated with the purchase of durable goods, and more recent studies observe a positive relationship between consumer confidence and fertility (Fokkema et al 2008; Giersbergen and de Beer 1997)

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