Abstract

Offshore wind (OSW) has the potential to cut greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions and halt damaging climate change. However, policies to foster an OSW industry in Norway have long been small and scarce. Recent events suggest that this is changing, as the state-owned enterprise Enova decided to grant a record NOK 2.3 bn to build the world’s largest floating offshore wind farm in 2019, the Hywind Tampen project. Based on previous work by the corresponding author, we summarize the political development of OSW in Norway to distil generalisable lessons. The corresponding author employed interviews, document analysis and process tracing, using a theory of policy change to characterise the observed political change. She found that the main obstacle for early OSW deployment has been that environmental and visibility concerns have exacerbated energy–political ones that are created by a longstanding lack of local energy demands. As the green energy demand on a global scale is soaring, the lack of OSW deployment for exports implies that climate–political objectives have been subordinated to energy–political ones, in the formulation of Norwegian OSW policies. This hierarchy of goals was not deemed to have changed, despite the recent political developments in the policy area of Norwegian OSW. Hence, the Norwegian case demonstrates the role of context and national sectoral policies in deciding the pace of sustainable energy transitions. It is suggested that future research considers how policy best practices for renewable energy deployment could be adjusted across varying national contexts to overcome political hurdles to the sustainable transition.

Highlights

  • Published: 21 February 2022Offshore wind represents one of the fastest-growing renewable energy sectors

  • In Norway, bottomfixed installations have been susceptible to a public and political scepticism similar to that seen for onshore farms that is informed by environmental/biodiversity and aesthetical concerns

  • To the extent that the so-called “Wind power rebellion” towards onshore wind farms has increased the political feasibility of commissioning projects offshore in Norway, Dahl concludes that this effect is limited to floating wind projects (p. 89) [22]

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Summary

Introduction

Offshore wind represents one of the fastest-growing renewable energy sectors. Between 2010 and 2018, the global offshore wind (OSW) market grew by almost 30% [1], and global installed capacity reached 35 GW in 2020. Offshore wind represents a vast energy potential that can cut substantial amounts of greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions and create jobs for fossil-based economies [2,3,4] required to transition [5,6,7] by the imperative of halting climate change and by the looming scenario of oil depletion. Wind energy represents a considerable potential to cut GHG emissions and reduce the detrimental effects of climate change. The uptake of offshore wind is increasing, reflecting the vast energy potential it represents [23]. The European Commission has set ambitious targets of installing a capacity of at least 60 GW in 2030 and 300 GW of OSW by

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