Abstract

The Chief Justice of the United States supervises a vast judicial bureaucracy. He is the titular head of the judicial branch: 1200 judges with life tenure, 850 magistrate and bankruptcy judges, and 30,000 administrative staff members. The careers he can affect most are those of his administrative employees. Even the life-tenured judges, however, he can appoint to specialized judicial bodies. In doing all this, he supervises the Federal Judicial Conference with a budget of $5.4 billion. If the Chief Justice of the United States does much, his counterpart in Japan does much more. Not only does the Japanese Chief Justice supervise administrative employees, he also supervises the judicial personnel office called the Secretariat. In turn, the judges in the Secretariat control the jobs of the 3000 other national judges who decide cases. The American Chief Justice does not tell lower-court judges where to sit. Through the Secretariat, however, the Japanese Chief Justice does. The American Chief Justice does not decide how much the lower-court judges earn. Through the Secretariat, the Japanese Chief Justice does. Effectively, the Japanese Chief Justice exercises power over the career of every lower-court judge. All this he does as an appointee of a distinctly political Prime Minister. This is not an institutional structure likely to foster judicial independence. Nor, over the four decades during which the Liberal De-

Highlights

  • The Chief Justice of the United States supervises a vast judicial bureaucracy

  • If we look beyond just the Chief Justice to all 20 post-1983 justices appointed from the lower courts, we find 7 who had earlier served as Secretary General of the Secretariat, and

  • Japan after 1993: Why did things not change in Japan after 1993? Once the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) lost its traditional high probability of victory in every election, does not our alternating parties theory suggest that it would choose a more independent court system? Would it not expect that it could best promote its future interests if it disabled the Supreme Court and Secretariat from interfering with the careers of lower-court judges? After all, if it continued to maintain political and "managed" courts, its rivals would likely intervene politically whenever they came to power

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Summary

Potential Change

Politicians and voters do benefit from independent judges, but they benefit when their party is out of power When their rivals control the government, they gain from institutions that block their rivals’ ability to deliver the agenda the majority of voters -— but, alas, not their people -- want. Rational lower-court judges will know that the party will probably stay in office for the foreseeable future As a result, they will not expect the political criteria for promotion to change over time. During the long years of LDP control, conservatives and the apolitical disproportionately self-selected into the bureaucracy and the courts Those with tastes to the left instead opted for careers in the bar, in business, in politics, and in the universities. The courts should exhibit large-scale deviations from earlier career patterns

Judicial Administration Since 1993
The Constraints
The Alternating Parties Theory of Judicial Independence
Japan after 1993
The Benefits
Conclusions
Justices appointed
Number appointed -Class of 1968: Class of 1978: Class of 1988: Class of 1998
Determinants of Starting at the Tokyo District Court
Fraction of Years 5-15 in Administrative Posts
Determinants of Administrative Appointments
Determinants of Branch Office Appointments
Fraction of Years 15-25 in Branch Offices or Summary Courts
Findings
Fraction of Years 25-35 in Branch Offices or Summary Courts
Full Text
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