Abstract

DEALLY, governmental security programs in democracies should at once protect the state from possible internal subversion and at the same time uphold those traditional liberties essential to democratic government. Yet in passing from the realm of theory to that of practice, the ultimate problem becomes one of how much liberty and how much security. The question of how much liberty and how much security points to one of the basic dilemmas which confronts the Anglo-American democracies; the problem of finding a proper relationship between individual liberty and the security of the state. This relationship could be achieved by (1) the establishment of a precise and accurate definition of national security and security risk and (2) the acceptance of standards of fair hearing in security dismissals. Such a program because of its realistic conception of security would protect the authority of the state. Yet such a program because of its sharply defined scope and purpose would also preserve as much individual freedom as realistically possible. Such a proper relationship would then insure uniformity under the law as well as provisions for fair hearing for all concerned. For ten years both the United States and Great Britain have been seeking to establish a proper definition of national security and security risk, as well as seeking to establish standards of fair hearing in security dismissals. Especially significant in this search is the fact that during these past ten years both countries have found it necessary to make basic changes in their security programs1 since they were first publicly announced by the United States in 19472 and by Great Britain in 1948.3 The United States has revised its basic procedure and twice changed its definition of security risk.4 Great Britain also has revised its originally announced definition of security risk.5 Both countries have expanded their original estimates of the number of individuals who would be affected by

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