That's a different story: comparing letters and oral accounts of Dutch immigrants in New Zealand

Abu Dhabi-based writer Unnikrishnan, originally from Kerala, explores the precarity and transience of migrant groups in his Gulf immigrant tales. Research was done to determine the issues that Indian migrant workers encounter in the Gulf states. In 2015, the UAE surpassed Saudi Arabia as India's most important Gulf destination market. C. (Chanda & Gupta) Although laws and programs have prioritized and safeguarded the well-being of Indian migrants, they are not limited to this group and are available to Gulf migrants as well. The sponsorship system, also known as Nizam al Kafala, governs and keeps tabs on the dynamic between migrants and their employers. The kafeel, or sponsor, is legally responsible for the worker in this kind of international contract migration. Humanitarian concerns inspired an initial trial of the system, which had a tight coupling of the work permit and the resident permit. The Kafala has eased several restrictions on foreign employees, including the need that they get exit visas from the Kafeel. The stories and experiences of Gulf Malayalee migrants were the focus of ethnographic and literary research into the lives of Arab Gulf migrants. However, the use of fiction to better comprehend migrant experiences is a relatively uncharted territory in the field of migration studies. This essay uses Deepak Unnikrishnan's Temporary People to examine the plight of emigrant Gulf Malayalees.

Internal migration over young adult life courses: Continuities and changes across cohorts in West Germany

Over the last decade and a half, scholars have demonstrated increased interest in studying the history of young people, as signalled by an expanding presence of relevant societies and journals. Though children and young people comprise a significant number of the world's current migrant population, young migrants in the past are not often the central focus of historical research. This article aims to encourage historians of migration and forced migration to increase their engagement with the histories of children, youth, and childhood. Young migrants are moving subjects: they traverse space and time, and their portrayal often encourages compassion. Since the 18th century, they have frequently inhabited social ‘categories of exception,’ and as such have lent meaning to the category of ‘adult’ and ‘citizen’ and to normative expectations of families, communities, and society at large. With this in mind, we suggest that integrating histories of child and youth migration and mobility offers opportunities to reassess historiographical, methodological, and conceptual questions in the field of migration studies, including the relationship of policy to research, the creation of typologies, and the temporality of labels.

The book investigates how the United Nations, governments, and aid agencies mobilise and instrumentalise migration policies and programmes through a discourse of safe migration. Since the early 2000s, numerous non-governmental organizations (NGOs), UN agencies, and governments have warmed to the concept of safe migration, often within a context of anti-trafficking interventions. Yet, both the policy-enthusiasm for safety, as well as how safe migration comes into being through policies and programs remain unexplored. Based on seven years of ethnographic fieldwork in the Mekong region, this is the first book that traces the emergence of safe migration, why certain aid actors gravitate towards the concept, as well as how safe migration policies and programmes unfold through aid agencies and government bodies. The book argues that safe migration is best understood as brokered safety. Although safe migration policy interventions attempt to formalize pre-emptive and protective measures to enhance labour migrants’ well-being, the book shows through vivid ethnographic details how formal migration assistance in itself depends on – and produces – informal asnd mediated practices. The book offers unprecedented insights into what safe migration policies look like in practice. It is an innovate contribution to contemporary theorizing of contemporary forms of migration governance and will be of interest to sociologists, anthropologists, political scientists, and human geographers working within the fields of Migration studies, Development Studies, as well as Southeast Asian and Global Studies. The Open Access version of this book, available at https://www.taylorfrancis.com/books/e/9781003185734 has been made available under a Creative Commons Attribution-Non Commercial-No Derivatives 4.0 license.

The field of migration studies is dominated by examinations into how immigrant-receiving countries grapple with social problems ranging from border control to immigrant incorporation. David Fitzgerald challenges this tendency and offers what is, to date, one of the most comprehensive looks into the politics and administration of emigration.A Nation of Emigrants is about the consequences and opportunities that mass labor emigration poses to emigrant-sending nations and how such nations attempt to limit the negative consequences and leverage the opportunities of emigration. Focusing on Arandas, a small rural county in Jalisco, Mexico, the book tells the story of how state, civic, and religious institutions within Arandas and greater Mexico attempted to maintain ties with migrants from Arandas living in the United States. Fitzgerald uses this locale to examine the evolution of local experiences with absent community members, the national tensions between administering a territory and managing citizens, and the international dimensions of labor migration. The three primary content chapters are organized according to systems of emigration control and management. Chapter 2 examines federal efforts to manage mass labor migration to the United States. Chapter 3 focuses on how the Catholic Church adjusted to the rise of mass migration to a Protestant nation. Chapter 4 discusses how hometown associations emerged to encourage and coordinate emigrant investment in municipal projects within Mexico. Each of the chapters follows a similar historical arc by examining how institutions opposed to mass labor emigration during the early twentieth century had, by the early 1990s, actively embraced Mexican nationals living in the United States. Municipal governments, parish churches, and the federal government all balanced courting emigrant workers’ earnings with anxieties regarding the reincorporation of emigrant citizens. Each of these chapters serves as evidence for Fitzgerald’s primary intellectual objective, which is to critique theories regarding the erosion of nation-states and the rise of transnational subjects. “The Westphalian system of sovereign states is not in decline,” argues Fitzgerald. “In fact, it is so robust even when confronted by mass international migration that it has shaped a new social contract between emigrants and their home country that I call citizenship a la carte” (p. 154).Fitzgerald’s concept of “citizenship a la carte” suggests that Mexico — a nation of emigrants — has adjusted to the rise of mass emigration by extending to citizens abroad opportunities for ongoing economic, cultural, social, and even political engagement with Mexico. Citizens abroad, in other words, may leave Mexican territory but remain Mexican subjects. Yet, argues Fitzgerald, citizenship a la carte limits how governments can exercise authority over citizens outside the national territory and the ways in which emigrant citizens can pick and choose benefits of citizenship without obligations. In particular, explains Fitzgerald, states lose the option of coercive force when citizens exit the national territory, and emigrants participate from afar in Mexican politics, culture, and society but are exempt from living according to conditions that they help to create. A Nation of Emigrants raises important questions regarding the reach of national authority, the substance of citizenship, and the everyday physical realities of life in an era of mass migration.The book sharply outlines its theoretical framework and will prove useful in graduate courses on state power, transnationalism, and citizenship. Fitzgerald’s historical approach promises a provocative analysis of changes that have taken place in Arandas since economist Paul Schuster Taylor conducted interviews there for his 1933 book A Spanish-Mexican Peasant Community: Arandas in Jalisco, Mexico, but it provides merely a general tour that lacks empirical and analytical substance. For example, archival resources are not always contextualized, and Fitzgerald tends to deploy single primary sources without considering contradictions and contingencies. Further, he misses opportunities for deeper analysis. For example, Fitzgerald provides new information on the Catholic Church and its role in managing Mexican emigration, but he discusses religion, families, and migration without attention to the gendered dimensions of work, mobility, and authority, and without any significant analysis of how the rising number of female migrants might have impacted the Mexican state’s assumption of a more protectionist stance toward its citizens abroad during the 1990s. Still, with these quibbles aside, A Nation of Emigrants raises critical new questions that will lead migration scholars to more thoughtfully consider the emigration story that unfolds alongside immigration history.

The article deals with the problem of ritualization of cultural memory, which became the main theme in the late 1990s in German and Austrian literature on the basic of postmodern novel by Christof Ransmayr “Morbus Kitahara”, published in 1995. The year of 1995 became a turning point in German-language literature and marked the so-called “boom” of memorial literature, which was devoted to the presentation of events of the recent historical past, the Second World War and the Holocaust. A number of novels were published in that year which in different ways deal with historical experience: from immersion into individual history to the creation of dystopian depiction of alternative history, while demonstrating the ambiguity of contemporary perception of collective historical memory. It is important that the notion of “collective memory” has been actively used in scholarly discourse since the early 1990s, and it marks a change in the paradigm of assessing social processes. Similar tendencies are also observed in fi ction, which tries to give a new assessment of the traumatic events of the past, to overcome the long silence on the issue of guilt and victim, using different approaches and mechanisms for memory representing. The methodology used in this paper refers to the memory studies of A. Assmann and M. Halbawchs, who both deal with the terms of cultural and collective memory as well as with mechanisms of ritualization of cultural and collective memory. Memory a concept is realized on three levels, distinguished by A. Assmann: individual, social (communicative memory) and cultural. For this, cultural memory, together with the individual memory of characters, occupy a signifi cant place in the novel. It is shown that the novel describes in detail the mechanisms of implanting of the cultural memory, using symbols and images, as well as rituals as memory stabilizers. At the same time, an intended instilling of guilt takes place that destroys the inhabitants morally and spiritually. The body is assumed one of the intermediaries of memory retention which is also used to instill the negative traumatic memories. The Kitaharadisease, which initially affects the vision of the main character of the novel, affects other characters fi gures, primarily combatants, and becomes a bodily expression of sick memory: visual impairment should be seen as an attempt to forget negative individual experiences. Keywords: ritualization of memory, cultural

Most research studies seeking to understand walking and cycling behaviours have used cross-sectional data to explain inter-individual differences at a particular point in time. Investigations of individual walking and cycling over time are limited, despite the fact that insights on this could be valuable for informing policies to support life-long walking and cycling. The lack of existing longitudinal data, difficulties associated with its collection and scepticism towards retrospective methods as a means to reconstruct past behavioural developments have all contributed to this deficit in knowledge. This issue is heightened when the time frame extends to longer term periods, or the life course in its entirety. This paper proposes and details a retrospective qualitative methodology that was used to study individual change and stability in walking and cycling within a life course framework. Biographical interviews supported by a life history calendar were developed and conducted with two adult birth cohorts. Interpretive, visual biographies were produced from the interview materials. Analysis focused on identifying the occurrence, context and timing of behavioural change and stability over the life course. Typologies of behavioural development were generated to resolve common and distinct behavioural patterns over the life course. Whilst the validity of reconstructed biographies of walking and cycling cannot be proven, this is an approach which offers credible and confirmable insights on how these behaviours increase, diminish, persist, cease, are restored or adapted through the life course, and how behavioural trajectories of walking and cycling may be evolving through historical time.

The act of telling stories of the past is central to the experience of immigration and migration. Tales and recollections of the “homeland,” of what was lost and gained, of the trials and success of ancestors and relatives, of individual and collective hopes, dreams and accomplishments are, in part, inseparable from what it means to be an immigrant. Such stories are also articulated in ways beyond words through photographs, keepsakes, artifacts, diaries, home movies, web pages and a myriad of other forms of articulating the past, present and future. Indeed, as Anthony Giddens has noted, among others, life stories are integral to the formation of identity (Giddens 1991: 76). Yet despite the seemingly obvious nature of such observations, the interplay between storytelling conventions, migration, immigration, social and collective memory is increasingly complex. Central to such complexity are the dynamics of globalization, especially as fueled by the swiftly moving currents of media technology, with the Internet and other digital technologies acting as the prime movers of cultural and social memory.

is former holder of the Canada Research Chair in Comparative History of Memory. From 1968, he did research and published on the contemporary history of urban societies and cultures in DR Congo (see "Leaving Ruins. Explorations of Present Pasts by Sammy Baloji, Freddy Tsimba, and Steve Bandoma, " African Arts 49 (1): 6-25).

Growing evidence suggests that internal migration experience shapes future internal migration behavior. However, it remains unclear what stage of the decision-making process past internal migration facilitates and whether the impact depends on the distance moved. To advance understanding of the role of past migration, we explicitly and dynamically link migration experiences to the formation and realization of future internal migration intentions by blending the aspiration-ability framework with the learned behavior hypothesis. We empirically test our proposition by fitting a series of logistic regression models to longitudinal microdata from the Household, Income and Labour Dynamics in Australia (HILDA) Survey, which has been conducted annually since 2001. We use a two-step approach by first modeling internal migration intentions and then modeling the realization of these intentions, distinguishing between residential moves, onward interregional migration, and return interregional migration. We find that migration experience is positively associated with both the formation and realization of migration intentions and that the effect of past migration increases with the distance moved and the number of past migrations. These findings suggest that migration experiences accumulate over the life course to predispose individuals toward subsequent migration. Finally, we show that the effect of past migration is not the result of a lack of social capital among repeat migrants-a finding that reinforces the importance of conceptualizing internal migration as a life course trajectory rather than a series of discrete events.

Striving and Thriving: A Life Course Trade-Off?

The Evolution of Family Process: Contexts and Transformations1,2

Perspektiva životnog puta u istraživanjima starenja i migracija

The idea of assessing causes of death by retrospective interview is as old as medical statistics. In 17th century London, so-called death searchers visited the houses of people who had died to make enquiries about the death, especially about communicable diseases. In the 19th century, modern systems of death registration saw the end of this practice in Europe; but in developing countries, which lack the medical capacity to produce death certificates for the whole population, there is still a need for lay investigations into cause of death. Pioneer projects in the 1950s and 60s in Asia (Khanna and Narangwal in India, Companiganj in Bangladesh) and in Africa (Keneba in the Gambia) used systematic interviews by well trained physicians to assess causes of death. Workers at the Narangwal project christened this new technique "verbal autopsy". However, in-depth interviews by research physicians are costly and can not be replicated nationwide, and sometimes involve biases linked to the focus of the research. Systematic investigation of causes of death on a larger scale became possible with the use of questionnaires. Questionnaire-based verbal autopsies have several advantages over ad hoc investigations. For example, they allow all available information to be recorded and, although data derived from these interviews do not constitute formal proof, they do allow objective decisions about probable cause. WHO has long recommended the systematic recording of signs and symptoms for assessing causes of death, and has proposed structured questionnaires for use in developing countries. (1-3) When the list of target diseases is extensive, questionnaire-based verbal autopsies may, in principle, ensure high specificity. They can be administered by lay people, and qualified personnel need only read the forms and stories. They also allow statistical analysis and the use of systematic algorithms. Many questionnaires have been developed since the Reproductive Age Mortality Studies (RAMOS), Matlab, and Niakhar questionaires were produced in the late 1970s and early 80s. These tools are now used in many research settings, such as the INDEPTH network, and also in national or large-scale regional surveys (such as in Morocco, India, and China). (4) Verbal autopsies are of optimum value when they are applied to all deaths in a population, which is crucial in situations where only a fraction of deaths are registered or occur in hospitals. However, there are limits to the use of verbal autopsies. First, they require skilled field-based personnel to record evidence as well as office-based staff to assess cause of death, and to code and analyse data. Second, the list of causes of death that can be assessed by verbal autopsy is only a small sample of the list of causes used on medical certificates. Third, the quality of the assessment depends on sensitivity and specificity of each diagnosis. While they work well for some diseases of high public health importance (such as measles, whooping cough, tetanus, cholera, and dysentery) as well as for accident and violence, the use of verbal autopsy is more problematic with diseases that have less specific symptoms, but which are equally important (such as HIV/MDS in children, malaria in adults, and cancers). …

The idea of assessing causes of death by retrospective interview is as old as medical statistics. In 17th century London, so-called death searchers visited the houses of people who had died to make enquiries about the death, especially about communicable diseases. In the 19th century, modern systems of death registration saw the end of this practice in Europe; but in developing countries, which lack the medical capacity to produce death certificates for the whole population, there is still a need for lay investigations into cause of death. Pioneer projects in the 1950s and 60s in Asia (Khanna and Narangwal in India, Companiganj in Bangladesh) and in Africa (Keneba in the Gambia) used systematic interviews by well trained physicians to assess causes of death. Workers at the Narangwal project christened this new technique autopsy. However, in-depth interviews by research physicians are costly and can not be replicated nationwide, and sometimes involve biases linked to the focus of the research. Systematic investigation of causes of death on a larger scale became possible with the use of questionnaires. Questionnaire-based verbal autopsies have several advantages over ad hoc investigations. For example, they allow all available information to be recorded and, although data derived from these interviews do not constitute formal proof, they do allow objective decisions about probable cause. WHO has long recommended the systematic recording of signs and symptoms for assessing causes of death, and has proposed structured questionnaires for use in developing countries. (1-3) When the list of target diseases is extensive, questionnaire-based verbal autopsies may, in principle, ensure high specificity. They can be administered by lay people, and qualified personnel need only read the forms and stories. They also allow statistical analysis and the use of systematic algorithms. Many questionnaires have been developed since the Reproductive Age Mortality Studies (RAMOS), Matlab, and Niakhar questionaires were produced in the late 1970s and early 80s. These tools are now used in many research settings, such as the INDEPTH network, and also in national or large-scale regional surveys (such as in Morocco, India, and China). (4) Verbal autopsies are of optimum value when they are applied to all deaths in a population, which is crucial in situations where only a fraction of deaths are registered or occur in hospitals. However, there are limits to the use of verbal autopsies. First, they require skilled field-based personnel to record evidence as well as office-based staff to assess cause of death, and to code and analyse data. Second, the list of causes of death that can be assessed by verbal autopsy is only a small sample of the list of causes used on medical certificates. Third, the quality of the assessment depends on sensitivity and specificity of each diagnosis. While they work well for some diseases of high public health importance (such as measles, whooping cough, tetanus, cholera, and dysentery) as well as for accident and violence, the use of verbal autopsy is more problematic with diseases that have less specific symptoms, but which are equally important (such as HIV/MDS in children, malaria in adults, and cancers). …