Abstract

Although the relationship between weather and crime has been extensively investigated over the past century, little consensus has emerged on the directions of the relationships observed and the mechanisms through which weather might exert its influence. This paper advances an argument that the interpretation of weather, and subsequent activities based on that interpretation, leads to spatio-temporal variations in criminal opportunities, and hence crime. Two hypotheses relating to unseasonal weather and effects of weather on discretionary activities are proposed. Negative binomial regression models are used to test these at the 6-hour shift unit of analysis on street robberies in the Strathclyde region of Scotland. In line with predictions, in this temperate microclimate, more favourable weather in winter (higher temperatures and low wind speeds) was associated with increases in robbery. Partial support was also found for the hypothesis regarding time delineated for discretionary activities. Here, temperature, wind speed and humidity were seen to be significant predictors of robbery during the night shift and weekends. Notably rain was shown to have a negative relationship with robbery at the weekends. This affirms that people are less likely to venture outdoors when it is raining when travel behaviour is optional. Counter to our hypothesised effects, fog was the only variable to significantly interact with public holidays. We conclude by discussing how these analyses might be extended and briefly discuss implications for crime prevention.

Highlights

  • The relationship between weather and crime holds an enduring fascination to criminology scholars

  • The routine activity approach asserts that there are three essential elements of a crime which converge in space and time; a motivated offender, suitable target and the absence of a capable guardian (Felson 1987)

  • We argue that Rotton and Cohn’s hypothesis needs to be extended to truly capture people’s responses to adverse weather, which encompasses a wider set of meteorological variables than temperature

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Summary

Introduction

The relationship between weather and crime holds an enduring fascination to criminology scholars Pre-eminently, Sutherland and Cressey (1978) underscore that weather conditions “provide the habitat for human life and may facilitate or impede contacts among human beings and perhaps in that sense be related to opportunities for criminal behaviour”. This social contact hypothesis is, presumably, an antecedent to the routine activity approach, which has been one of the principal theoretical explanations for the effect of weather on crime (Cohn 1990; Landau & Fridman 1993; Lab & Hirschel 1988). The convergence of Tompson and Bowers Crime Science (2015) 4:8 these three elements is dependent on how modern social life is organised

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