Abstract

Abstract Data collected from one Korean child in a longitudinal diary study present novel patterns of consonant harmony in that labials, coronals, and velars can be triggers and targets of both progressive and regressive non-local place assimilation in an early stage of development. The same child also shows some cases of local regressive place assimilation. In another study where 4 children's data were gathered from a naturalistic longitudinal study, local regressive place assimilation as well as conso-nant harmony is witnessed regardless of place features. In adult Korean, however, only coronal to labial/velar and labial to velar local regressive assimilation occurs. This paper argues that the non-local and local place assimilation is connected and shows that the connection can be accounted for in terms of different constraint rankings within the Optimality-theoretic framework. More specifically, it is shown that the Ident-Onset(place) constraint plays a decisive role even in the early stage of acquisition, unlike child English, accounting for the predominant regressive assimilation. Also, the Agree-Place constraint is exploded into two sub-constraints in Stage 3, capturing the asymmetrical behavior of assimilation. Further, the unranking of place features in early development gradually evolves to the fixed ranking which reflects the universal markedness hierarchy in adult Korean.

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