Taliban di Afghanistan: Tinjauan Ideologi, Gerakan dan Aliansi dengan ISIS

This study aims to analyze the sociological measurement of the emergence of terrorism in Indonesia, as well as the development of terrorism and its prevention. The purpose of the research is to look at the sociological roots in more detail to find more comprehensive steps in preventing terrorism in Indonesia. This study uses qualitative description. The research method uses library research which obtains secondary data including literature books, laws and regulations, official documents, and other relevant data. In this writing, the author uses a sociological history approach. The result of this paper is that terrorism has many dimensions, namely the local dimension, the regional dimension, and the global dimension to unravel the sociological roots of the emergence of terrorism in Indonesia, then the overcoming steps need cooperation from all parties, the government, the community, and the international world because the overcoming action is not by using repression so that it can violate human rights, but also using a socio-cultural approach by inviting all components including the so that the seeds of terrorism that exist in society can be minimized, and cut off the roots of its development to grow radicalism in common life.

This study aims to analyze efforts to measure sociologically the emergence of terrorism in Indonesia, as well as the development of terrorism and its prevention. As well as aiming to see in more detail the formation of the National Counterterrorism Agency (BNPT) has more comprehensive steps in preventing terrorism in Indonesia. This research uses descriptive qualitative. The research approach uses library research which obtains secondary data which includes literature books, laws and regulations, official documents and others. The results of this study indicate that, apart from making arrests, the BNPT also conducts research, coaching and integration of former terrorists into society, with a deradicalization program for both former perpetrators and potential potential perpetrators. Anti-terrorism campaigns are also carried out in schools. In this writing, the writer uses an empirical juridical approach and a sociological approach to understand the culture of society. The results of this paper are that terrorism has many dimensions, namely local dimensions, regional dimensions and global dimensions. To overcome the sociological roots of the emergence of terrorism in Indonesia, to overcome this requires the cooperation of all parties, the government, the community and the international world, because the action to overcome it is not by using repression so that it can violate human rights, but also using a socio-cultural approach by inviting all components including religious leaders so that the seeds of terrorism that exist in society can be minimized, and cutting the roots of its development, the growth of understanding of radicalism in common life

This article analyses the influence of the use of social media among terrorist groups toward the development of terrorism in Indonesia. This research is crucial and interesting because the development of social media could be a prominent tool for a particular person or one group’s existence. Data were collected through literature reviews and studies on social media publications on the issue. The collected data were checked, classified, and analysed by using Nvivo plus 12. Based on the data analysis, it was found that terrorist groups have already used various social media such as Twitter, Facebook, YouTube, Instagram, and WhatsApp to recruit, share their ideologies, and spread their threats towards people. Each activity has its target and steps to strengthen their existences. These groups have implemented artificial intelligence (AI) by arranging the content management strategy for using social media within their groups or collaborating with other terrorist organisations' links. The result of this study could be the consideration of government policies in facing the development of terrorist groups, primarily which exist in social media.

Post-ISIS dynamics and the evolution of terrorism in Indonesia

Thomas H. Johnson: Taliban Narratives. The Use and Power of Stories in the Afghanistan Conflict

Drones and the issue of continuity in America’s Pakistan policy under Obama

Introduction

Women in Afghanistan: a call for action

Chapter 6 examines the international humanitarian response during armed conflict in Afghanistan between 2001 and 2014. After 9/11, the United States launched Operation Enduring Freedom in October 2001, with UK and US airstrikes targeting al-Qaeda and the ruling Taliban in Afghanistan. Although the Taliban was quickly overthrown, conflict continued and international forces involving more than fifty countries were engaged in combat operations for just over thirteen years. Throughout the 2001–2014 period, aid was politicized in a variety of ways, with significant consequences for how and where assistance was provided. The international military forces sought to instrumentalize assistance for the purpose of stabilization and state-building and to co-opt international non-governmental organizations and United Nations humanitarian agencies in pursuit of these wider goals. There is not much to suggest that this ‘hearts-and-minds’ strategy was effective in stabilizing Afghanistan, but it does appear to have had consequences for the aid worker security. Afghanistan became significantly more dangerous for aid workers and agencies in the years following the US-led invasion, and humanitarian access suffered as a result.

Pakistan

The emergence of the Afghan Arabs phenomena is the by-product of the Afghan ‘jihad’. The Arabs that mostly came to Afghanistan sought to fulfil a ‘religious’ duty in the form of jihad. This migration process from the Arab countries to the Af-Pak region was in line with the USA, Pakistan, Afghan mujahideen, Arab countries’ policies and volunteering fighters’ personal beliefs. The Afghan Arabs were not a homogeneous group; they were ideologically and strategically fragmented and had different groups and views. Hence, all Afghan Arabs did not end up in Al-Qaeda. Despite this fragmentation, Afghan Arabs played an essential role in the Afghan conflict, from raising funds to providing volunteer fighters and coverage of ‘jihad’ through their media sources. They also intervened in the affairs of Afghan mujahideen groups. They either sided with the opposing jihadi factions (and later with the Taliban) during the Afghan Civil War or remained silent. In the post-2001 period, their role was limited to technical support and fighting against the ‘common enemy’. In this period, the Taliban’s policy towards Al-Qaeda was to not condemn, not cut ties, to regularise them while officially rejecting their presence.

  The long-lasting conflict in Afghanistan leads to an aggravation of the socio-economic crisis in the country. This is a serious obstacle to the stable development of Afghan society and a challenge to regional security. The peace talks in Qatar in September 2020 between the Government of the IRA and the Taliban movement could contribute to ending the conflict and implementing measures for the peaceful construction and development of the country. However, the events following the announcement of the withdrawal of international forces from Afghanistan and the coming to power of the Taliban government have once again put on the agenda the issue of finding ways to resolve the conflict as soon as possible by peaceful means.          The article analyzes the fundamental principles of establishing the peace process in Afghanistan. Exploring the interaction of all parties involved in the peace process, the authors pose research questions: "What are the main difficulties in establishing a peace process in Afghanistan?" and “is there a prospect of achieving peace and stability in modern Afghanistan?"      The role of national, regional and international actors in establishing peace in Afghanistan is considered based on the content-analysis and review of the opinion of the expert community (using the Delphi method), as well as their own observations (the included observation method) of one of the authors of the article, who was a direct participant in the Doha negotiation process. Key words: Peacebuilding, nation building, stability, US Military withdrawal, Afghanistan

Uncontrolled arms trade is one of today’s global problems. Its consequence is the development of terrorism, drug trafficking, poverty, death of women and children in local conflicts, etc. Since the beginning of the 20th century, international organizations have been established and functioning to limit this practice. For decades, they have provided policymakers, researchers and civil society with impartial, evidence-based and policy-relevant knowledge on all aspects of small arms and armed violence.

Humanitarian wars are a primary means of globally affirming a specific model of humanity, built according to the cultural, moral, and economic standards of Western democracies. How are forms of humanity produced in the context of humanitarian war in Afghanistan? How are notions of freedom mobilized? How does the idea of a prospective humanity relate to the use of military force? In an attempt to reflect on the different configurations of freedom and humanity that emerged in the context of recent Afghanistan conflicts and international interventions, this article addresses the perspective of two key figures: the Taliban and the humanitarian soldier. Building on narratives such as poetry, interviews, and conversations conducted during fieldwork, this angle allows us to observe the complexity of the Afghan humanitarian theatre in a way that goes beyond mere assessments of political and economic interests, revealing a fragment of global contemporaneity that is crucial for understanding how processes of producing humanity combine with war and humanitarian efforts.

The victory of the ultra-conservative Islamic Taliban movement in the military conflict in Afghanistan led to the flight of hundreds of thousands of people from this country in the summer of 2021, fearing revenge from the Taliban. The reason for this kind of concern was the cooperation of these people with foreign military (primarily from the United States and other NATO countries), who were in Afghanistan from 2001 to 2021. According to members and supporters of the Taliban movement, foreign soldiers were occupiers who illegally attacked Afghanistan and occupied it against the will of the Afghan people, and all these years the Afghan people for the most part provided armed resistance to their presence (waging a liberation jihad against the invaders). The United States and other Western states, retreating under the onslaught of the Taliban from Afghan cities, promised, together with their soldiers, to evacuate from Afghanistan all Afghan citizens who collaborated with the armed forces and intelligence services of NATO countries, but in reality, not everyone could leave Afghan territory with evacuation flights. This article presents the results of a study on the problem of reintegration of non-evacuated Afghans into the Afghan labor market, and also analyzes the role they can play in achieving the sustainable development goals of post-war Afghanistan.