Abstract

This article surveys Hezbollah’s sectarian mobilization to justify its early engagement in Syria’s civil war for what was an intervention in a geopolitical confrontation to implement its agenda in coordination with its regional allies. Generally speaking, sectarian relations can be driven from both above as well as below. The article first argues that Hezbollah is a sectarian party whose timing of emergence paralleled with the rise of the Shia in Lebanon and the adjoining region. It contends that Hezbollah instrumentalized its sectarian identity and adopted a sectarian mobilization policy ahead of its engagement in Syria’s conflict. However, as its fighters were expanding across the country, Hezbollah’s sectarian discourse altered to a more politics-centric discourse. Therefore, this article concludes that the falsely framed sectarian conflict in Syria is sect-coded, Hezbollah adopted a top-down politicization of sectarian identity, and its primary aim was to prevent the regime’s collapse, which would have tilted the regional balance of power in favor of its rivals rather than seeking religious truths on Syria’s soil.

Highlights

  • There is no other topic in the study of the modern Middle East that is more essential than “sectarianism.” Several studies by leading scholars in the field suchContemporary Review of the Middle East 8(2)as Valbjørn (2019), Gause (2014), Haddad (2017), and Hashemi and Postel (2017) are available, especially since the post-2003 Iraq and post-Arab Uprisings. Valbjørn (2019) stressed that “authoritarianism, identity politics and sectarianism, framed in terms of a Sunni-Shia schism, figure prominently in current debates on politics in the Middle East” (p. 127)

  • This paper examines Hezbollah’s top-down instrumentalization of sectarian identity to justify its intervention in Syria’s sect-coded conflict

  • During the twenty-first century sect-coded conflicts in the Middle East, Haddad (2020) opines, “religion can certainly act as a mobilizational force, and religious doctrine, belief, and symbols are capable of inflaming popular emotion” (p. 70)

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Summary

Introduction

There is no other topic in the study of the modern Middle East that is more essential than “sectarianism.” Several studies by leading scholars in the field suchContemporary Review of the Middle East 8(2)as Valbjørn (2019), Gause (2014), Haddad (2017), and Hashemi and Postel (2017) are available, especially since the post-2003 Iraq and post-Arab Uprisings. Valbjørn (2019) stressed that “authoritarianism, identity politics and sectarianism, framed in terms of a Sunni-Shia schism, figure prominently in current debates on politics in the Middle East” (p. 127). This paper examines Hezbollah’s top-down instrumentalization of sectarian identity to justify its intervention in Syria’s sect-coded conflict. Regardless of the fact to which extent these sect-specific slogans triggered further anti-Shia hatred amongst Sunnis and mobilize more fighters, they were deployed since Hezbollah’s emergence at a doctrinal level; while the opposition in Syria happened to be Sunni, Hezbollah is not seeking religious truths or launching operations for doctrinal purposes.

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