Abstract
This paper presents evidence that Japanese has prosodic scrambling of phonological phrases (ϕ) in addition to the well-studied syntactic scrambling of XPs. All cases of scrambling in Japanese involve fronting constituents, be they syntactic XPs or phonological ϕs. If the syntax cannot move XPs, the phonology is forced to move their prosodic equivalents: these ϕs are fronted to the left edge of the intonational phrase (ɩ) that contains them and join to make a single recursive ϕ, the domain for tonal downstep (Ito and Mester 2012, 2013). Syntactic scrambling ‘bleeds’ prosodic scrambling, adding support for a uni-directional, feed-forward model of syntax-phonology interactions. Syntactic scrambling fronts XPs and obeys syntactic conditions on movement, and the scrambled XP exhibits interpretive effects in its surface position. Prosodic scrambling fronts ϕs and is blind to syntactic conditions on movement, and the scrambled ϕs are interpreted in situ, as expected.
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