Sur‐e Esrafil, 1907–08: social and political ideology

Abstract

The granting of the first Iranian constitution in August 1906 led to the immediate appearance of uncensored Persian newspapers published inside Iran, mainly in Tehran and Tabriz and in fewer numbers in other provincial cities.' For the first time Iranians savored freedom of speech, of which one expression was the desire to publish newspapers, previously solely an official prerogative.2 The popularity and prestige of the pre-constitutional newspapers published outside the country such as Akhtar (Istanbul), Habl ol-Matin (Calcutta), Sorraya (Cairo), and Qanun (London), had undoubtedly inspired this contagious desire. Most of the newspapers, however, were ephemeral publications and their editors had very little, if any, knowledge of the functions of a newspaper. As Kasravi has pointed out, most of the newspapers were devoted to an outpouring of knowledge of their founders in different fields, such as poetry, philosophy, and history in the light of which they would interpret mashruteh (constitutional regime) without being aware of its true meaning.3 The revolutionary struggle began with the granting of the constitutional firman, and was to continue until 1911. At this early stage only a few newspapers were aware of the real functions of a revolutionary paper in enlightening and awakening the masses, and few had a sound understanding of the nature of democracy. In this small group the weekly Sur-e Esrafil was outstanding. Despite its importance, however, Sur-e Esrafil has not received due attention by students of modern Iran. Quite a few scholars have discussed the works of Ali Akbar Dehkhoda, the main contributor to the paper. The focus of their attention, however, has usually been Dehkhoda's literary innovations as a writer whose famous satirical column in Sur-e Esrafil forms a turning point in the development of modern Persian prose.4 Even those scholars who have examined Dehkhoda's thoughts and opinions have failed to discuss the full range of his views. Professor Yusofi, for instance, who examines 'Dehkhoda's place in the Constitutional Revolution',5 bases his mainly descriptive article on the author's satirical writings and poems alone and ignores his many articles also published in Sur-e Esrafil. Dr Fereidun Adamiyat, on the other hand, discusses Dehkhoda's socialist views as presented in a series of articles in the paper, without relating these views to his general outlook or his analysis of other underlying ills, which in Dehkhoda's view affected the Iranian society of his time.6 Sur-e Esrafil itself has recently been discussed in two publications.7 In both cases more attention has been paid to the chronological, circumstantial and biographical details of the paper and its contributors than to an analysis of its content and ideology. The opinions expressed in its pages embodied