Abstract

After independence, energy and food subsidies became a cornerstone of the social contracts in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) countries. Governments spent heavily to reduce poverty and strengthen their own legitimacy. However, as government rents faded, subsidy spending became financially unsustainable and foreign donors pressed for reforms. Yet, reform has been challenging for all the governments as subsidies affect all consumers, therefore raising the risk of government delegitimisation. Several publications have analysed the subsidy reforms of various MENA countries, but few have systematically analysed their impacts on the prevailing social contracts. This paper shows that reforms in a key policy field such as subsidy spending can affect the nature of social contracts profoundly and distinctly, depending on the reform strategy. It assesses the reform processes that took place in Morocco, Egypt and Iran primarily between 2010 and 2017, thus before the United States once more tightened sanctions against Iran and before the COVID-19 pandemic broke out. We argue that governments applied distinct strategies to reduce subsidy spending without provoking major social unrest to reforms, with the effect that the social contracts of the three countries changed in quite different ways. Morocco’s government removed most subsidies, especially those that predominantly benefitted the middle-class. It explained the need for reforms, engaged in dialogue with society and implemented some compensatory measures for the poor. Thereby it succeeded in preserving substantial features of its prevailing social contract. The Egyptian government, in contrast, dismantled subsidy schemes more radically but without systematic information and consultation campaigns. Also, its compensatory measures remain limited, which shows that the government no longer relied on social benefits as a means of legitimisation. Instead, by using repression and a narrative of collective security, the emerging social contract has been transformed from being a provision to being a protection pact. Finally, Iran replaced subsidies with a generous quasi-universal cash transfer scheme, which was more cost-efficient and egalitarian. Even if inflation and external shocks eroded these benefits, the reform paved the way to a more inclusive social contract, at least for a couple of years. Lessons learnt from past social transfer reform strategies will be all the more interesting for MENA governments once they embark on post-COVID-19 reconstruction strategies, which are likely to compensate households for financial losses made during the COVID-19 crisis and help them make a new start in economic terms.

Highlights

  • Countries in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) have been spending almost 7 per cent of gross domestic product (GDP) on direct and indirect social transfers, and single countries, notably Yemen, up to 14 per cent (IMF [International Monetary Fund], 2013, p. 50).1 Yet, the effects on poverty and inequality have been dissatisfying2 especially because most of the spending was in the form of subsidies (6 per cent of GDP on average) rather than direct social transfers

  • In contrast, are paid to households in the form of, for example, social assistance. This pattern is not limited to the resource-rich MENA countries with large rents from export of fossil-fuels, but prevails in MENA countries where such rents are much smaller or even non-existent

  • We explore the dynamics of subsidy reforms conducted between 2010 and 2017 in three MENA countries: Morocco, Egypt and Iran

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Summary

Discussion

Julia, Christoph Strupat, Yonas Adeto, Abebe Shimeles, Wilson Wasike, Mariya Aleksandrova, Axel Berger, Clara Brandi, Michael Brüntrup, Francesco Burchi, Eva Dick, Amirah El-Haddad, Charlotte Fiedler, Christine Hackenesch, Annabelle Houdret, Ina Lehmann, Daniele Malerba, Paul Marschall, Karina Mross, Armin von Schiller, Benjamin Schraven. The COVID19 pandemic and structural transformation in Africa: evidence for action (96 pp.). Social cohesion after armed conflict: A literature review (40 pp.). A behavioural perspective on the drivers of migration: Studying economic and social preferences using the Gallup World Poll (64 pp.). Resilience through placemaking: Public spaces in Rotterdam’s climate adaptation approach (57 pp.) ISBN 978-3-96021-138-9. Reconciling the social, ecological, and economic dimensions in Argentina (47 pp.). [Price: EUR 6.00; publications may be ordered from the DIE or through bookshops.]

Introduction
Social contracts
Goals of subsidies and distortionary effects on the economy
Challenges to reform and how to address them
Genesis and role
Morocco
Conclusions on the transformation of social contracts
Findings
Full Text
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