Stress Restricts Reduplication

Sam Zukoff

doi:10.3765/amp.v2i0.3742

Abstract

This paper considers the typology of reduplicant shape, and argues that a system with freely-rankable templatic constraints on reduplicant size/shape over-generates. A survey of Australian languages with quantity insensitive left-to-right alternating cyclic stress systems finds that monosyllabic prefixal reduplicants are not attested; all prefixal partial reduplication patterns in such languages are disyllabic. The disyllabic pattern allows for complete satisfaction of all otherwise undominated stress constraints, whereas any monosyllabic reduplicant would induce violation of one of these constraints. The typological absence of the monosyllabic pattern in these languages thus follows only if templatic constraints ("Reduplicant Size") must be subordinated to otherwise undominated stress constraints ("Stress Requirements"). This is captured through a meta-ranking condition on the phonological grammar: StressReq >> RedSize (S>>R). The paper further explores how this meta-ranking is compatible with prosodically variable yet predictable reduplicant shape in Ponapean, and an apparently problematic case of monosyllabic reduplication in Ngan’gityemerri which turns out to be the exception that proves the rule.

Highlights

There is a typological gap in the distribution of reduplication patterns
This paper proposes that this gap can be explained by the existence of a meta-ranking condition on two types of constraints: (i) constraints enacting size preferences for the reduplicant,2 “REDSIZE” or “R” constraints; and (ii) constraints enacting stress requirements, “STRESSREQ” or “S” constraints
Since M&P conceive of templatic constraints as phonology-morphology interface constraints, they fall into the “M” category

Summary

Introduction

There is a typological gap in the distribution of reduplication patterns. Monosyllabic/monomoraic partial reduplication is absent (in particular positions) in languages with the following stress properties: (i) a prohibition on stress clash, (ii) cyclic stress, and (iii) a fixed stress relative to an edge. Tyí-tyílparku σ-́ σσσσ tyi-tyílparku σ-σσσσ tyí-tyilpárku σ-́ σσσσ wílhapína wílha-wílhapína wí-wílhapína wi-wílhapína wí-wilhápina This gap arises because the constraints that generate these stress properties conspire to make a singleunit reduplicant (i.e. a reduplicant that is one syllable or one mora in length) at the same edge as the fixed stress hopelessly ill-formed. Since M&P conceive of templatic constraints (our REDSIZE constraints) as phonology-morphology interface constraints, they fall into the “M” category Part of their statement of the “Template Satisfaction Condition” is incompatible with the S » R meta-ranking: “templatic constraints may be undominated, in which case they are satisfied fully.”. This paper will present several types of systems where REDSIZE constraints are subordinated to the STRESSREQs. The prosodically-fixed pattern of Diyari (and similar Australian languages) appears to be straightforwardly explainable using a templatic constraint enforcing the size requirement (M&P, 1994a,b). On closer inspection of the system, it turns out to be the exception that proves the rule

Reduplication in Australian languages and the over-generation problem

Ponapean

Ngan’gityemerri

Conclusion