Abstract

While the Gulf private sector has made huge strides since the first oil boom, most of its activities still amount to more sophisticated rent recycling rather than autonomous diversification. Its interests are in stark opposition to those of the citizenry at large, as it provides no taxes, little employment and few investment opportunities for GCC nationals. Instead, business and other social forces face a zero-sum conflict over — in some cases increasingly scarce — state resources. This structural isolation of business helps to explain Gulf capitalists' weak role in today's public political arena despite a strong pre-oil history of collective action. In recent decades, business elites have either kept their heads below the parapet or have provided auxiliary public support to beleaguered local regimes. They have for the most part abstained from or failed in electoral politics; in austere times, regimes have privileged the distributional interests of the state salariat and consumers at large over those of business. Gulf business has a chance for a greater developmental role and political autonomy only if it increases its interdependence with society at large through providing a tax base, employment and investment opportunities for GCC citizens. Of the three, employment is the most important and could decide the political fate of private capital in the Gulf in the long run.

Highlights

  • While the private sector has been suffering economically and often politically in the Arab world’s revolutionary republics, business in the GCC monarchies has been thriving: According to IMF estimates, non-oil growth in the GCC reached 5.9% in 2012, and high 5.5% were expected for 2013.Gulf business seems to have achieved unrivaled status in the region

  • Summary The preceding sections have shown that the GCC private sector is less immediately reliant on state spending than it used to be and has become the main contributor to national capital formation

  • The status of business in the Gulf rentier states is paradoxical: It operates on a large scale, is internationally integrated, contributes the bulk of national capital formation, and has attained fairly high levels of managerial sophistication – often ahead of its peers in the wider MENA region

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Summary

State and private sector in the GCC after the Arab uprisings

Original citation: Hertog, Steffen (2014) State and private sector in the GCC after the Arab uprisings. This version available at: http://eprints.lse.ac.uk/54399/ Available in LSE Research Online: February 2014. LSE has developed LSE Research Online so that users may access research output of the School. Users may download and/or print one copy of any article(s) in LSE Research Online to facilitate their private study or for non-commercial research. You may not engage in further distribution of the material or use it for any profit-making activities or any commercial gain. You may freely distribute the URL (http://eprints.lse.ac.uk) of the LSE Research Online website. This document is the author’s final accepted version of the journal article. You are advised to consult the publisher’s version if you wish to cite from it

Introduction
Role in national economies
Private Sector Government Oil Sector
Bahrain Kuwait Oman Qatar Saudi Arabia UAE
Contribution to national employment
Input subsidies and other state support
Contributions to knowledge economies and innovation
Business in the political arena
The political history of Gulf business
Business and fiscal sociology in the GCC
Business in electoral politics and other public contestation
Conclusions
Full Text
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