Abstract

Aims and objectives/purpose/research question: This paper’s objective is to offer new insights into the effects of language on memory for causation events in a second language (L2) context. The research was driven by the question of whether proficient L2 users acquired L2 thinking-for-speaking-and-remembering strategies along with the relevant expressions for different types of causation (intentional versus non-intentional). Design/methodology/approach: The cognitive domain of causation is an ideal platform for this investigation, since the lexicalisation of causation differs clearly in the two languages under consideration, English and Spanish. Spanish speakers always distinguish between intentional and non-intentional events through the use of different constructions. The English pattern of lexicalisation in this domain often leaves intentionality unspecified. Our methodology involves an experimental elicitation of event verbalisations and recall memory responses to video stimuli by English and Spanish monolinguals and bilinguals. Data and analysis: The analysis has shown that the Spanish monolinguals and first language (L1) Spanish/L2 English speakers always distinguished between intentional and non-intentional events, while the English monolinguals and L1 English/L2 Spanish speakers generally used expressions that were underspecified with regard to intentionality. Findings/conclusions: All populations used their habitual language patterns as an aid to memory. Spanish monolingual had better recall than their English peers. L2 speakers were mainly relying on the L1 in spite of speaking only the L2 during the experiment. Originality: Possible effects of these typological differences between an L1 and an L2 on speaker recall memory have not been investigated before. Significance/implications: The research presented in this paper informs the theoretical assumptions related to the thinking-for-speaking hypothesis by showing empirically that late bilinguals adhere to their L1 patterns as an aid to memory while speaking in their L2. This novel finding contributes to an improved understanding of language processing and language use among late bilinguals.

Highlights

  • The goal of this study is to investigate whether a second language (L2) can have consequences for the speaker’s memory of events in a cognitive domain that involves typological contrasts between a first language (L1) and an L2

  • We performed a statistical analysis using a two-way analysis of variance (ANOVA), whereby the two independent variables were mother tongue (English versus Spanish) and language used for verbalisation (L1 versus L2), and the dependent variable was recall memory for intentionality

  • English speakers do have a potential option that can be used for the purpose of drawing distinctions between intentional versus non-intentional events, but this potentially contrastive option is not exercised in the same consistent manner in which the Spanish speakers use the distinguishing options available to them

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Summary

Introduction

The goal of this study is to investigate whether a second language (L2) can have consequences for the speaker’s memory of events in a cognitive domain that involves typological contrasts between a first language (L1) and an L2. Levinson (2003) demonstrated that similar language-specific preferences are detected in spatial orientation, where language-specific frames of reference are used to guide navigation It was Slobin (1996, 1997), who originally proposed the thinking-for-speaking hypothesis to account for the variety of situations where language effects on conceptualisation are most likely to occur, and this hypothesis best captures the on-line effects of language on cognition that have been found. The language we speak affects our thinking that happens while we are engaged in language-driven activities These effects are limited to on-line processes and may not be present or relevant off-line, when language is not used (or when its use is disabled; see, e.g., Trueswell & Papafragou, 2010). In this study we are concerned only with occasions when language is being actively used, either overtly or covertly

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