Abstract

Listeners are able to cope with between-speaker variability in speech that stems from anatomical sources (i.e. individual and sex differences in vocal tract size) and sociolinguistic sources (i.e. accents). We hypothesized that listeners adapt to these two types of variation differently because prior work indicates that adapting to speaker/sex variability may occur pre-lexically while adapting to accent variability may require learning from attention to explicit cues (i.e. feedback). In Experiment 1, we tested our hypothesis by training native Dutch listeners and Australian-English (AusE) listeners without any experience with Dutch or Flemish to discriminate between the Dutch vowels /I/ and /ε/ from a single speaker. We then tested their ability to classify /I/ and /ε/ vowels of a novel Dutch speaker (i.e. speaker or sex change only), or vowels of a novel Flemish speaker (i.e. speaker or sex change plus accent change). We found that both Dutch and AusE listeners could successfully categorize vowels if the change involved a speaker/sex change, but not if the change involved an accent change. When AusE listeners were given feedback on their categorization responses to the novel speaker in Experiment 2, they were able to successfully categorize vowels involving an accent change. These results suggest that adapting to accents may be a two-step process, whereby the first step involves adapting to speaker differences at a pre-lexical level, and the second step involves adapting to accent differences at a contextual level, where listeners have access to word meaning or are given feedback that allows them to appropriately adjust their perceptual category boundaries.

Highlights

  • It is remarkable that even though different speakers produce the same speech sound differently, listeners are still able to reliably identify that sound

  • Dutch listeners were better than AusE listeners at classifying FAM Go, FAM not pressing any buttons (No-go), and NEW No-go tokens (p < 0.01 for all comparisons with Bonferroni-correction for pairwise comparisons) irrespective of condition

  • To examine the condition × stimulus type interaction, we conducted three simple planned comparisons between: (1) FAM Go and NEW Go, (2) FAM No-go and NEW No-go, (3) NEW Go and NEW No-go. We chose these specific planned comparisons because (1) comparing FAM Go to NEW Go determines whether inaccurate performance was due to inability to recognize NEW Go tokens as similar to FAM Go tokens; (2) comparing FAM No-go to NEW Nogo determines whether inaccurate performance was due to inability to recognize NEW No-go tokens as similar to FAM No-go tokens; (3) comparing NEW Go and NEW No-go determines whether listeners were able to discriminate between the vowel categories of a novel speaker

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Summary

Introduction

It is remarkable that even though different speakers produce the same speech sound differently, listeners are still able to reliably identify that sound. How this is achieved has long been a topic of great scientific interest, especially because listeners have to cope with different types of speaker-related variation. [1,2]) We illustrate both types of variation (i.e. speaker/sex variability and accent variability) with Dutch and Flemish vowels (Fig 1), where F1 and F2 correspond to the first and second formant frequencies (i.e. resonant frequencies of vocal tract that are modulated by the position of the tongue and by the shape and degree of opening of the lips) that are commonly used for vowel identification. The vowel in the English word seat has an F1 of about 342 Hz when it is produced by an average male speaker and 437 Hz when it is produced by an average female speaker; or, the vowel in sit has an F1 of about 427 Hz when it is doi:10.1371/journal.pone.0156870.g001

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