Abstract

Itinerant peddling has played an important role in the retailing of seafood predating shop-selling in Japan. The origins of peddling forms we find today go back to the early Meiji Period (the late 19th century). In this period, the goods dealt with by peddlers were salt, fish and shellfish, which included fresh, salted and dried varieties. The author has classified the retail forms from the viewpoint of the relationships in the goods, the place of purchase, and markets:I: salt-peddling.II: peddling of fresh fish and shellfish, II-a: from the suburban fishing villages to urban region, II-b: from the fishing villages located in the region which distibutes the salted and dried fish to urban region, to the neighbouring farming villages, II-c: from the remote fishing villages to their neighbouring farming villages, II-d: activity within the urban region.III: the peddling of salted and dried fish (from the remote fishing villages to the broader hinterlands).Since modern times, however, such trade forms of peddling have been largely transformed along with the changing socio-economic circumstances. For instance, first the salt-peddling disappeared through the enforcement of the salt monopoly-system. Also, the peddling areas of fresh fish expanded and the remote fishing villages were included in the distribution-networks of the cities with the development of transportation facilities.The aim of this paper is to consider the spatial pattern of such behaviour, because some past studies on peddling in Japan have been lacking in this viewpoint. For this purpose, the writer first tried to make clear the distribution and distinctions of the peddling forms all over Japan and next investigated in detail the distribution and behavioural patterns of peddling in the San'in District, Western Japan.The results are as follows:1. The peddling forms according to how the goods are carried are classified as follows; a), carrying poles with hanging bamboo baskets (“Ninaiuri”), b), bamboo baskets carried on the head (“Kaberi” or “Itadaki”), c), handcarts, d), bicycles, e), motorcycles, f), automobiles.But a) and b) disappeared about 1960; c) and d) have been used since about 1960; e) and f) since about 1965.2. The number of peddlers who can be observed today is estimated to be roughly 37, 600 persons. Among them, the number using automobiles is about 15, 500 persons.3. The peddlers, except for those using automobiles mostly distribute to the markets located at the place of seafood production and the fishing villages in the metropolitan suburbs. On the other hand, the automobile-using peddlers are mainly working in the inland and isolated regions. Furthermore, in the San'in District, the latter spread remarkably from seashore inland.4. The motives for forming a peddling group are to purchase the goods in the same place, or to use the same transportation facilities.5. Finally, the behavioural patterns of peddling are classified as follows according to the distinctions among peddling forms and purchase-place:I: peddling in the place of production, II: paddlinng in the place of consumption, A: peddling without automobiles, B: peddling with automobiles.Therefore, these combinations make four types; I-A, I-B, II-A and II-B. In the San'in District, with respect to the age structure of peddling groups, in general, A) consists mainly of an old-aged class and B) of a middle-aged class. Concerning the sex of the peddlers, females predominate in I-A. On the other hand, the number of males increases more in proportion as the types tend towards I-B, II-A and II-B. These groupings can be further divided into twelve behavioural patterns.I hope that such results gained from this case study can be applied to more general issues.

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