Abstract

Normative literature on the Catalan crisis is largely occupied with the conflict’s central legalistic problem: can political units like Catalonia be allowed to split off from Spain unilaterally? This article reframes the issue and asks why secessionist Catalans should ever abide by Spanish legal constraints, given that Spanish law is precisely the institution they are politically trying to get rid of. It focuses on the anti-secessionist role played by the Spanish Constitutional Court between 2010 and 2017 and studies three arguments why Catalans supposedly have to accept the Court’s authority. The article contends that two arguments—the “mutual benefit argument” and the “law and democracy” argument—will not be independently persuasive to Catalan secessionists. Instead, the Constitutional Court’s authority must ultimately be grounded in a different type of argument: the “law and order argument.” Secessionist Catalans’ supposed duty to obey the orders of the Constitutional Court is ultimately not rooted in a positive service provided by the Court, but in the disruptive effects of disobeying. That exposes an explanatory defect in Joseph Raz’s influential theory of authority, which seeks to ground authority exercises in a concept in prior reason or their capacity to make our life better. That conceptualization misses the key decisionistic element to political authority: its capacity to constitute our reasons, that is, to define the terms that give meaning to our evaluations.

Highlights

  • Three years after Catalonia’s attempt to split from Spain in October 2017, political relations between separatist Catalans and unionist Spanish are still in a complete deadlock

  • Normative literature on the Catalan crisis is largely occupied with the conflict’s central legalistic problem: can political units like Catalonia be allowed to split off from Spain unilaterally? This article reframes the issue and asks why secessionist Catalans should ever abide by Spanish legal constraints, given that Spanish law is precisely the institution they are politically trying to get rid of

  • It focuses on the anti-secessionist role played by the Spanish Constitutional Court between 2010 and 2017 and studies three arguments why Catalans supposedly have to accept the Court’s authority

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Summary

Introduction

Three years after Catalonia’s attempt to split from Spain in October 2017, political relations between separatist Catalans and unionist Spanish are still in a complete deadlock. The controversy has especially re-erupted since October 14, 2019, when the Spanish Supreme Court convicted several Catalan leaders for their role in the 2017 independence movement. Four people lost an eye due to rubber bullets fired by police forces, and 65 journalists were injured, leading to condemnations from the Council of Europe and Amnesty International.7 Despite these excesses, it seems fair to say that the mainstream political voice does not share the core of the Catalan secessionist sentiments. The normative literature on the Catalan crisis is above all occupied with the conflict’s central legalistic problem: can we allow political units like Catalonia to disobey legal constraints?17 This article does not engage with this procedural legitimacy question Instead, it addresses another issue, which was already mentioned at the beginning of this section. All theorists do seem to agree, that there is a need for constitutional democracies to recognize and take seriously desires to self-government

A History
Spanish Law as a Claim to Supreme Authority
The Law and Order Argument
Findings
Conclusion
Full Text
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