Year-end Sale % OFF 
Abstract
A number of authors have argued that sonority differences among vowels may interact with weight-sensitive stress placement (e.g. Kenstowicz 1994, 1997; de Lacy 2006). In previous work on sonority-sensitivity, variable stress placement has usually been assumed. In this paper, I examine the role of sonority in Uyghur, a language with fixed stress. I argue that sonority is encoded as a weight distinction in the language, which drives asymmetric lengthening of word-final high vowels. I demonstrate that a mora-based analysis also offers insight into medial vowel raising in the language, and sketch out an Optimality theoretic account of the data. Findings from this study support the recent claim made by Shih & de Lacy (2019) that sonority differences are only indirectly available to the grammar in the form of weight distinctions.
Highlights
It is well known that the placement of stress may be conditioned upon syllable-internal properties, most notably syllable weight
Using production data from Uyghur, I argue that a sonority is encoded as a weight distinction in the language, which accounts for the augmentation of stressed high vowels as well as positional reduction of low vowels
Low vowels were significantly longer than high vowels [β = 27.9, χ2(1) = 20.2, p < .001]
Summary
It is well known that the placement of stress may be conditioned upon syllable-internal properties, most notably syllable weight. This work on sonoritysensitivity has focused on sonority’s influence in languages with variable stress placement In these languages, stress is preferentially attracted to high-sonority vowels, e.g. Shih’s (2018) reports fixed penultimate stress while the findings in Bowers (2019) provide weak support for fixed initial stress Despite their differences, the two studies contradict earlier claims and contend that Gujarati should not factor into discussions on sonority-sensitive stress. The two studies contradict earlier claims and contend that Gujarati should not factor into discussions on sonority-sensitive stress Extrapolating from this finding, Shih & de Lacy (2019:16) pose the question, “So, is there solid evidence for a theory that claims there is a phonological mechanism that directly relates sonority to foot structure, thereby causing foot retraction and degeneration?”. Using production data from Uyghur, I argue that a sonority is encoded as a weight distinction in the language, which accounts for the augmentation of stressed high vowels as well as positional reduction of low vowels
Sign-in/Register to view highlights & summary Talk to us
Join us for a 30 min session where you can share your feedback and ask us any queries you have
Schedule a callDisclaimer: All third-party content on this website/platform is and will remain the property of their respective owners and is provided on "as is" basis without any warranties, express or implied. Use of third-party content does not indicate any affiliation, sponsorship with or endorsement by them. Any references to third-party content is to identify the corresponding services and shall be considered fair use under The CopyrightLaw.
