Some Variables of Middle and Lower Class in Two Central American Cities

This study was conducted to understand the infant (0-12 month) feeding practices among different classes' mothers in Dhaka city. The study was carried out among the 183 mother-infant pair of the upper, middle and lower socio-economic classes in Dhaka city and purposive sampling method was applied. The study was conducted at following areas in Dhaka city which were selected purposively. The mean age of upper class, middle class and lower class were 35±4, 25±3 and 21±7 in years. Regarding first feeding it was observed that upper (75%), middle (85%) and lower class (48%) first gave colostrum. It also observed that 18% of upper class mother first gave powder milk, while in case of middle class it was 5%. In lower class preference of giving honey and sugar water were 21% and 12% respectively. The starting time of breast feeding indicated that in upper classes (74%) breast feeding initiated within one hour, while in middle (75%) and lower classes (84%) it was given within 12 hours. It was highlighted that 44% upper and 36% lower class mothers started complementary feeding at 3 month of the baby respectively, while in middle class 61% mother started complementary foods at 5 month of their baby. In case of duration of breast feeding practices, middle and lower classes breast-feed continued longer time than upper class. Majorities of the upper class prefered egg, soup, fruit juice while middle class liked meat-fish, egg, khichuri, fruits. On complementary feeding the lower class choiced mainly rice-potato, dal, khichuri or vegetables. The study result should not be generalise and need further large scale research. DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.3329/akmmcj.v5i2.21124 Anwer Khan Modern Medical College Journal Vol. 5, No. 2: July 2014, Pages 5-8

ABSTRACT. This article focuses on the analysis of some of the main concepts of social stratification, such as class and status. The paper then examines the particularities of social stratification in the US, including factors leading to the stratification of society (e.g. wealth, income, education, occupation) and the three types of social classes in this country: upper class, middle class and lower class. In comparison, social stratification in Romania is influenced by historic circumstances (e.g. ex-communist elite members identified in the upper class). There are three social classes in Romania, too, but the upper and middle class are still coagulating, while the lower class is well established.JEL Codes: A14; Z13Keywords: social stratification; class; status; US; Romania1. IntroductionThe analysis of social inequality is one of the most important concerns of sociologists, economists, scholars and many others. Inequalities have always existed and will continue to exist in human societies. Even in the most primitive communities, where wealth and property are minimal, there is inequality among individuals, men and women, young and old, and the list can go on. How certain groups in a society have became richer or more powerful than others, how unequal modem societies are, what chance someone coming from a less privileged background would have to reach the top of the economic hierarchy and for what reasons poverty still exists in developed countries - are questions that sociologists are attempting to answer in order to clarify the ways in which societies were stratified and the processes through which status was achieved.In order to draw attention to the unequal positions occupied by individuals in society, sociologists speak of social stratification - structural inequalities between different groups of people. Societies are composed of several layers in a hierarchy, the most privileged on top and the less privileged at the bottom.2. StratificationThere are four major types of stratification systems: slavery, caste, estates and class (Giddens, 2010: 263-309). Slavery is an extreme form of inequality in which some individuals are actually owned by others. Caste is associated with the cultures of the Indian subcontinent. The term caste is not of Indian origin; it comes from the Portuguese word casta, meaning race or purebred. The caste system is highly complex and structurally varies so much from one area to another, that it is not basically a single system, but a diversity of insufficiently linked beliefs and practices. Estates were part of European feudalism and consist of social strata with different obligations and rights, some of these differences established by law (the nobility, the clergy and the commoners).Class differs in many respects from slavery, caste or estates. It can be defined as a large-scale group of people who share common economic resources which strongly influence their lifestyle (Giddens, 2010:267). Unlike other stratification systems, class membership is not based on a position specified by law or by custom. Class systems are more fluid than other types of stratification, and the boundaries between classes are not clearly defined. Class membership is at least partially acquired. Classes depend on economic differences between groups of individuals (inequalities in the possession and control of material resources). Class systems mainly operate through large-scale impersonal links (e.g. unequal working conditions).Specialists in various domains consider that society is made up of a certain number of classes. According to Giddens (2010), in a society we distinguish the upper class, the old middle class, the upper middle class, the lower middle class, the upper working class, the lower working class and the underclass.The Goldthorpe class scheme is more intricate: 1) higher-grade professionals, administrators, and officials; managers in large industrial establishments; large proprietors; 2) lower-grade professionals, administrators, and officials, higher-grade technicians; managers in small industrial establishments; supervisors of non-manual employees; 3a) routine non-manual employees, higher grade (administration and commerce); 3b) routine non-manual employees, lower grade (sales and services); 4a) small proprietors, artisans, etc. …

Background:It is widely accepted that there are socioeconomic inequalities in oral health. A socioeconomic gradient is found in a range of clinical and self-reported oral health outcomes.Aim:The present study was conducted to assess the differences in oral hygiene practices among patients from different socioeconomic status (SES) visiting the Outpatient Department of the Sudha Rustagi College of Dental Sciences.Materials and Methods:A cross-sectional survey was conducted from June to October 2014 to assess the effect of SES on the oral hygiene habits. The questionnaire included the questions related to the demographic profile and assessment of the oral hygiene habits of the study population.Results:Toothbrush and toothpaste were being used significantly (P < 0.05) more by lower middle class (84.4%) and upper middle class (100.0%). A significantly higher frequency of cleaning teeth (twice a day) was reported among the lower middle class (17.2%) and upper middle class (21.5%). The majority (34.3%) of the study population changed their toothbrush once in 3 months. The cleaning of tongue was reported by patients belonging to the upper middle (62.0%), lower middle (52.1%), and upper lower class (30.0%). The use of tongue cleaner was reported to be significantly (P < 0.05) more among upper middle (10.1%) class patients. A significantly higher number of patients from the lower class (81.3%) never visited a dentist.Conclusion:The oral hygiene practices of the patients from upper and lower middle class was found to be satisfactory whereas it was poor among patients belonging to lower and upper lower class.

Background: In addition to physical welfare, reproductive health is also vital for psychological well-being. All stages of reproduction can take place safely if reproductive health is well cared for, and it ultimately leads to the formation of healthy new offspring. The aim of this study is to know about reproductive health-related knowledge and practices in women of reproductive age in an underdeveloped area in Pakistan and to identify the associated factors that give a meaningful impact on reproductive health.Methods: A cross-sectional study was carried out among women of childbearing age in underdeveloped areas in the province of Punjab, Pakistan. A sample of 400 was taken on a random basis. All the relevant data were collected from February 1, 2022, to August 30, 2022, with the help of a structured questionnaire, designed specifically for the study, informed consent was taken from all of the participants before data collection. Questions were asked about their menstrual cycles, use of contraceptives, knowledge about sexually transmitted diseases, screening of cervical cancer, pap test, human papillomavirus vaccine, and related to home or hospital deliveries. Socioeconomic classes were defined by different income ranges per month as lower class, upper lower class, middle class, upper middle class, and upper class.Results: Ten percent of participants with education up to fifth grade have never used any method of contraception while 70% of participants who studied up to eighth grade never used the same. In lower class and upper lower class, the prevalence is 33.3% and 41.7%, respectively. The prevalence of screening for cervical cancer is 50% in married women and 60% in the upper middle class. Of women with education up to eighth grade, 65% answered with No, and the prevalence is 50% for lower-class women. Regarding the human papillomavirus vaccine, 41.7% of married women, 33.3% of women in upper class, and 50% of women in the middle class mentioned that they know about it, while 68.4% of women have education up to eighth grade and 47.4% of lower-class women answered with No. Of women with education up to eighth grade, 92.5% had one to two deliveries at home, and 68.8% of women with education up to fifth grade had three to four deliveries at home. Fifty percent of women from both lower and upper lower classes had one to two deliveries at home. Twelve women from the upper middle class had all of their deliveries at home and 20 had five to six deliveries at home. Of women with education up to fifth grade and eighth grade, 64.3% and 28.6%, respectively, had their all deliveries at a hospital; 22.9% of women from the upper class and 20% of the upper middle class also had all deliveries at the hospital, Thirty-three women who graduated from college had one to two deliveries in the hospital. All of these results are found to be significant with a p-value <0.05.Conclusion: Knowledge about reproductive health is less prevalent in women with low education and the same is for lower and lower middle socioeconomic class. The education level of women and their socioeconomic class is one of the major factors that have a meaningful impact on their reproductive health and practices.

On the Updating and Reformulations, Added by Adam Smith and J M Keynes, to Aristotle's Universal, General Theory of Economics, Politics, Civics, and Institutions

The Present study was conducted in the Department of Pediatrics of Lala Lajpat Rai &amp; Associated Hospital GSVM Medical College, Kanpur. All the children aged between 1-5 years, admitted in Department of Pediatrics were asked to participate in this study. Information regarding vaccination, socio-demographic factors was collected from their parents and care takers. Accuracy and validity of information were confirmed by immunization card in possible situation and inspection for BCG scar. Hospital based descriptive cross-sectional study.In upper class, 100% of children were completely immunized. In upper middle class, 80.8% children had complete and 19.1% partial immunization status. No one remained unimmunized in upper middle class. In lower middle class, 33.9% of children were completely immunized, 59.6% partially immunized and 6.4% remained unimmunized.Children who were 1stin birth order, had maximum immunization coverage (44.8%). Minimum immunization coverage was in birth order &amp;#62;4 (3.2%). P value is &amp;#60;0.001, indicates the significant relation between birth order and immunization status. As birth order increased, immunization coverage decreased. In this present hospital based descriptive cross –sectional study, we found that 51.2% children were fully immunized, 45.6% were partially immunized and 3.2% children were unimmunized as per National immunization schedule. Children belonging to upper class were 100% completely immunized. In upper middle class 80.8% children in lower middle class 33.9%, in upper lower class 55.7% and in lower class 50.9% children were completely immunized respectively. In lower class immunization coverage was higher than lower middle class. Droprate for BCG to pentavalent 1 was 10.64%, similarly dropout from BCG to measles was 12.7%. Dropout rate of pentavalent 1 to pentavalent 2 was 1.4%, pentavalent2 to pentavalent3 was 2.6%. It indicates that system is not able to hold the child once registered. Steps for improvement should focus on reducing the drop rate from BCG to pentavalent and measles.

Objectives: This study aimed to investigate the difference in developmental assets, gratitude, and happiness by gender and socioeconomic status among adolescents and examine a model linking developmental assets and gratitude to happiness. Methods: The participants were 1,373 Korean adolescents aged 12-18. Descriptive statistics, T-tests and ANOVAs were used to analyse the demographic difference. The hypothesised model tested using path analysis techniques within a structural equation modelling. Adolescent Developmental Asset Measure by Jung15, Korea Version of Gratitude Questionnaire by Kwon, Kim, and Lee17 and Oxford Happiness Inventory developed by Hill and Arygle18 were measured. Results: Boys and girls did not differ significantly on total scores of internal development assets, external developmental assets, gratitude, and happiness. There were significant differences in internal developmental assets, external developmental assets, gratitude, and happiness according to SES (F = 30.69, F = 39.46, F = 13.90, F = 21.38, p<.001). Adolescents in middle and high class got more internal developmental assets than adolescents in low class. Adolescents in high class had more external developmental assets than adolescents in low and middle class. Adolescents in high class feel more gratitude and happier than adolescents in low and middle class. The model fit indices suggested that the hypothesised model adequately fit the data (χ2 = 11.71, df = 1, p = .01, CFI = 1.00, TLI = .96, RMSEA = .08). The developmental assets of adolescents directly affected happiness and also influenced happiness indirectly through gratitude. Conclusion: The findings from this study demonstrated the importance of gratitude a mediating factor increasing the happiness of adolescents. Keywords: Adolescent, Developmental Asset, Gratitude, Happiness

Height measurements taken in a mixed longitudinal manner on 1084 German-born boys aged 7 to 21+ at the Carlschule Academy in Stuttgart during the period 1771-93 have been examined. The boys can be divided into upper (aristocrat), middle and lower (artisan, servant) classes, nearly all housed and fed in this boarding school. Preece-Baines curves have been fitted to a subsample of 155 boys whose measurements cover at least the period 12-16 years at a density of two or three per year. In addition, the whole data, totalling 11,040 observations, have been examined as if purely cross-sectional; and the height-at-entry measurement for each of 670 students has been examined. The results of the longitudinal subsample and the cross-sectional analyses agree reasonably well. Social class differences existed both in tempo of growth as signified by age at peak height velocity, and in adult height. The longitudinal analysis gives adult differences of about 2 cm between upper and middle classes and a further 2 cm between middle and lower, even amongst these boys all resident in the same, very privileged, school. Tempo differences between upper and middle class were minor, amounting to only 0.3 year, but lower-class boys had their maximum growth increment about a year later than the others. Amongst middle classes a secular trend of about 2 cm averaged over all ages was found between those born before 1770 and those born later. This mainly represents a trend in tempo rather than in adult height. The heights of these boys are compared with those of contemporary Austrian upper and lower classes, English upper and lower classes, American Army cadets, and American slaves. The increase in German middle-class heights during the 18th century indicates that this group was improving its nutritional status and well-being, at a time when the heights of the remainder of the population were constant or declining. This is evidence in favour of the view that at the beginning of economic development the distribution of income tends to become more skewed.

In the heat of the 1968 events, I proposed an interpretation of the French student crisis.' Briefly summarized, my argument focused on two major points. First, I suggested that French university institutions in 1968 seemed not to have adapted themselves to the relatively drastic changes which had taken place in the social composition of their constituency shortly after the beginning of the 1960s. In 1968 the French university remained upper middle class while the public it catered to was increasingly recruited from the lower middle class. Even though the offspring of the upper middle class reached the university level more often than those from the middle and lower classes, the vast majority of students belonged to the middle and lower classes and found themselves in institutions badly adapted to their expectations. On the other hand, the increase in the demand for higher education made the social rewards students could expect from their university studies more uncertain: in comparison to his elders, the average student of 1968 found himself disoriented by the university. I would like to suggest in this article that neither the legislative reform of the French university, accomplished under the pressure of the events of 1968, nor the various changes introduced thereafter have helped resolve the pre-1968 contradictions in the university which the student revolt turned upside down.

The Melodramatic Nation: Integration and Polarization in the Argentine Cinema of the 1930s

This paper describes experiences of a participalnt-observer who spent two weeks with several groups of middle class deviant youtths in a suburb of Los Angeles. These observations are related to prevailing conceptions of delinquent gangs, in an attempt to identify parallel and divergent characteristics of middle and lower class groups. As a result of these observations and comparisons, questions are raised concerning prevalence of highly structured gangs, dimensions which differentiate delinquent groups, extent to which adult recognition structures and legitimizes gangs, and essenitial similarity between delinquent and nondelinquenit groups. he sociological literature about gangs contains at least two sharply conflicting descriptions of extent of gang structure and nature of their values. In most prevalenit view, gang is seen as a kind of primary group, highly structured, relatively permanent and autonomous, possessing a well developed delinquent subculture which is transmitted to new members. The gang is ilnterpreted as meeting strongly felt needs of its members and as providing a collectively derivTed solution to common problems of adjustment. Different writers wh1o hold this view have stressed different problenis, but nearly all have agreed that one of most important funlctions of gang is to establish close bonds of loyalty and solidarity between menmbers of a tightly knit peer group. Colhenl has identified primary needs met * The observations reported in this paper were carried out as part of a Youth Studies Center developmental proj ect, which ultimately led to an action-research program concerned with treatment of delinquent gangs. Both developmental proj ect and action-research program, now in process, received support from Ford Foundation. The authors would like to thank A. W. McEachern of Youth Studies Center, Uni-versity of Southern California for his generous and valuable assistance, criticism, and encouragement. A shorter version of this paper was read at annual meeting of Pacific Sociological Association in Sacramento. April 1962. by gang as those of resolving status frustration for lower class boys, and providing an expression of masculine identificaLion for middle class boys. Parsons2 has also emphasized aclaievement of sexual identity as a problem dealt with by delinquent behavior. Cloward and Ohlin,3 following Merton's conception, have specified discrepancy between aspirations toward success goals and opportunities for achieving them as problem giving rise to gang behavior. Kvaraceus and Miller4 have stressed inherent conflict between lower and niddle class values and delinquent's predisposition to former in explaining gang behavior. Eisenstadt,5 and Bloch and NiederhofferI6 have pointed to gang as a collective response to adolescent's striving toward 1 Albert K. Cohen, Delinquent Boys: The CuIlturc o-l Gang ((Glelico: Free Press, 1955)). 2 Talcott Parsons, Certain Pritmary Sources and Patterns of Aggression in Social Structure of Western World, reprinted in Mullahy (Ed.), A Study of Interpersonal Relations (New York: Grove Press, EvergreenEdition, 1949). 3 Richard A. Cloward and Lloyd E. Ohlin, Delinquency and Opportunity: A Theor-y of Dcliniquent Ganigs (Glencoe: Free Press, 1961). 4 William C. Kvaraceus and Walter B. Miller, Delinquent Behavior: Culture and Individual (Washington, D. C.: National Education Association, 1959). 5 S. N. Eisenstadt, Fromxq Generation to Generationi: Age Groutps anzd Social Structutre (Glencoe: Free Press, 1956). 6 Herbert A. Bloch and Arthur Niederhoffer, The Gantg: A Study of Adolesce-nt Behavior (Newv York: PhilosophIical Library, 1958). This content downloaded from 157.55.39.208 on Fri, 14 Oct 2016 04:14:56 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms MIDDLE CLASS GANGS 329 attainment of adulthood and f rustrations attendant on transition from one age status to another. These authors identify different comiiponents of gang subculture according to their interpretation of its function, but implicit or explicit in all these positions is view of gang as an integrated and relatively cohesive group. A strikingly different interpretation of structure of gangs describes them as informal, short lived, secondary groups without a clear cut, stable delinquent structure. Lewis Yablonsky7 has suggested a conceptualization of thie gang as a near-group, specifying following definitive characteristics: diffuse role definitions, limited cohesion, impermanence, miniimal consensus on norms, shifting membership, emotionally disturbed leaders, and limited definition of membership expectations. On a continuuumil of extent of social organization, Yablonskv locates gang midway between mob at one end and group at other. The gang is seen as in a state of equilibrium, moving sometimes closer to one end of continuum and sometimes other, but never actually becoming completely disorganaized like a mob or completely organized like a group. He contends that detached worker programs, by treating gang as a true group, may actually make it one. When a detached worker acknowledges a gang's leaders, recognizes its territorv, membership, name, and purpose, lhe crystallizes its organization, lending it a structure which it did not previously have. This Yablonsky calls group-fulfilling prophecy. The gangs he has observed are, in actuality, quite different from groups. They are neargroups which have a diffuse and malleable structure that enables them to meet varied and individual needs of members. For many gang members who are unable to meet demanlds and responsibilities of more structured social organizations, it is gang's very lack of organization and absence of expectations which constitute its primary sources of satisfaction. Youths affiliate with a gang not for a feeling of belonging and solidarity but because it is an organization within which they can relate to others in spite of their limited social abilities. The flexibility oI gang organization means that it can mieet diverse, momentary needs of members who, accordingly, participate in it witlh varying intensity. Yablonsky suggests that in a gang there are a few core m-nembers, surrounded by a large number of peripheral memibers to whom gang is muclh less important and whlo are more loosely attached to it. James F. Short, Jr., objects to Yablonsky's description of gan-g as a near-group on grounds that he has overstated case,8 but agrees, nevertheless that gangs do not have the stability of membership, tiglhtly knit organization and rig-id hierarchical structure which is sometimes attributed to them.9 Most of groups he has observed have kind of shifting memberslhip which Yablonsky de-

Introduction: Exclusive breastfeeding (EBF) for the first six months of life improves health and increases infant survival. In Asia, Pakistan ranks second in child mortality. Socioeconomic status (SES) is an important predictor of healthy behaviors. The study aims to understand the barriers to exclusive breastfeeding faced by mothers from different socioeconomic classes in Pakistan.&#x0D; Method: The cross-sectional study was done in the Pediatric outpatient department (OPD) of Shifa International hospital and community health center from November 2020 to 1 March 2021. Mothers and their children 1 to 3 years of age were included in the study.&#x0D; Results: A total of 175 mothers and their children were included. EBF for the first six months was done by 120 (68.6%). However, by one year of age, only 99 (56%) continued breastfeeding. Out of these 175 mothers, 79 (45%) were from the lower class, 69 (39.4%) were from the middle class, and 27 (15.4%) were from upper SES. Among the lower, middle, and high socioeconomic classes frequency of EBF practiced by mothers was 51, 54, and 15 (p 0.03), respectively. Pre-lacteals were given to 102 (58.2%). This practice was more frequent in lower SES families (0.03). The majority of working women belonged to upper SES (0.04). Mothers in the upper class are least likely to EBF their children (OR 0.5 CI 0.2-1.3). The adjusted odds ratio for EBF is highest for lower SES mothers, followed by the middle class.&#x0D; Conclusion: Support from family, place and mode of delivery, working mothers, and high socioeconomic class are important factors affecting exclusive breastfeeding in Pakistan.

As per the census of 2011 the tribal population consists of 8.6% while it was 8.2% according to the census of 2001 in India. This paper addresses the socio-economic status of Tharu tribes in Bahraich district of Uttar Pradesh. The socio economic status is an important determinant of health, nutritional status, mortality and morbidity of an individual. Socio Economic Status also influences the accessibility, affordability, acceptability and actual utilization of available health facilities. To classify the socio-economic status of the respondents, Uday Pareek and Trivedi scale has been adopted with subject to preliminary test and slight modification as per the need of the study. Measuring the socio-economic conditions of Tharu tribes from Uday Pareek and Trivedi scale, it can be concluded that all the Tharu tribes belong to four categories viz: Upper Middle Class, Middle Class, Lower Middle Class and Lower Class. 0.28% respondent belonged to upper middle class, 5.33% were middle class, 75.56% belonged to lower middle class and 18.83% to lower class. The findings can be beneficial for implementing projects that can help in improving their situation of backwardness.

Objetivo: Estabelecer a caracterizacao social dos pacientes atendidos na clinica de graduacao da Disciplina de Clinica Integrada da Faculdade de Odontologia de Aracatuba (UNESP). Metodo: Amostra por conveniencia compreendendo 289 individuos. Os dados foram obtidos pela tecnica direta intensiva, tendo por instrumento um formulario. A classificacao social foi determinada considerando os seguintes itens: salario, moradia propria, bens de consumo e escolaridade, que permitiram enquadra os individuos nas classes sociais baixa inferior, baixa media, baixa superior, media inferior, media media, media superior, alta inferior, alta media e alta superior. Resultados: Verificou-se que 52,9% estao empregados, 49,1% sao responsaveis pela manutencao financeira da familia, tem faixa salarial familiar entre 2 e 4 salarios minimos (SM) em 44,3% e faixa salarial individual abaixo de 2SM em 41,2%. Alem disso, observou-se que 3,5% sao analfabetos, 32,9% possuem habitacao propria regular e 51,2% pertencem a classe baixa superior. A relacao entre os fatores economicos, sociais, culturais e educacionais determina um padrao de comportamento gerador ou nao de saude, este fato pede mudanca no comportamento tanto dos usuarios quanto dos profissionais da saude no que compete principalmente a acao educacional. Conclusao: A maioria dos pacientes atendidos pela disciplina de Clinica Integrada e da classe baixa superior, sendo esse dado um importante indicador de planejamento das acoes a serem desenvolvidas na clinica, favorecendo um atendimento de qualidade e com compromisso social.

Trends in social inequality in physical inactivity among Danish adolescents 1991–2014