Abstract

Until recently Soviet writings about Libya have been relatively few. While works on North Africa did refer to Libya, it was usually mentioned in a general way. This is true, also, of the marginal interest displayed towards the subject in the rather infrequent articles in the various Russian-language periodicals. However, during the 1960s and 1970s, a growing number of books specifically dealing with Libya have appeared in Russian, thus reflecting this country's rising importance as a rich oil producer increasingly involved in Arab and African affairs. Not unexpectedly, a good part of Soviet publications on Libya emphasize its economy. ' One of the most informative of these was written by N. A. Arsharuni, who has also published a study entitled Osnovniye Sotzial'no-ekonomichyeskiyeproblemi stran Syevyernoy Afriki (The basic socio-economic problems of the countries of North Africa) (Moscow, Nauka Press for the Institute of Oriental Studies in the Soviet Academy of Sciences, 1976, 160 pp.). This deals with Libya along with Tunisia and Algeria but, inexplicably, not Morocco. A separate work discussing Libya alone, written by the same Arsharuni, is Inostranniy kapital v Livii (1911-1967gg.) (Foreign capital in Libya, 1911-1967) (Moscow, Nauka Press for the Institute of Oriental Studies in the Soviet Academy of Sciences, 1970, 132 pp.). Based on sources in several languages, including a few in Arabic, this monograph approaches its main subject in three chronologically arranged chapters: Italian rule, 1911-1943; BritishFrench administration, 1943-195 1; and the expansion of foreign capital in Libya after the Second World War (until 1967; it is not quite clear why the author concludes at this point). Arsharuni sees as his main task to describe 'imperialist' governments, to penetrate Libya and dominate it. One gets the feeling that much of this is familiar, so almost immediately one turns to the pages that examine the economic policies of the independent Libyan Government (pp. 114-26). Here the author concludes that this government, although well-intentioned, has had to adapt all its planning to the still-prevailing 'colonial economy'. According to his figures, most state investments and credits were granted to such sectors as agriculture and fisheries, while industry was neglected. Several general works on Libya also stress the economic aspects. One of these is I. A. Gyenin's Liviya (Libya) (Moscow, Government Press for Geographical Literature, 1956, 40 pp.). Illustrated by a map and well-selected photographs, the booklet acquaints the reader with Libya's main characteristics at that time, chiefly its agriculture, industry, commerce, transportation and finances. More detailed is Arsharuni's Liviya (Libya) (Moscow, Misl' Press, 1965, 142 pp.). Except for a brief historical introduction, this work primarily describes and analyses Libya's economy, which is illustrated by numerous tables. A lengthy chapter examines the country's oil industry, its development and prospects (pp. 98-118). Here, again, Arsharuni discusses the involvement of the foreign oil companies and their hold on Libya's economy. This is relevant, of course, but the reader cannot but regret that the author has not thought it appropriate to consider the impact of the oil industry on the Libyans themselves. The neglect of such a crucial aspect is partly offset by the chapter on the situation of the working masses (pp. 119-140), and this could well be the most important contribution of this book.2 The number of Libyan workers in the oil industry rose very swiftly: 1959 4,600; 1960 6,300; 1961 8,300; 1963 11,000. This brought about an unprecedented flow of villagers and tribesmen to the centres of the oil industry to such an extent that the local authorities were forced to compel at least some of these workers to return to their villages. While Arsharuni estimates that the 'feudal' ties of these workers to their original background are still potent, he

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