Soft Power Rising: Romantic Europe in the Service of Practical Europe

Abstract

The preamble Treaty of Rome that created European Economic Community in 1957 embodies both elements of European integration project. The romantic dimension finds expression in call for ever closer union among peoples of Europe/' and reference pooling of resources to preserve and strengthen peace and liberty/' Elsewhere in preamble, quest for removal of obstacles steady expansion, balanced trade, and fair competition and the progressive abolition of restrictions on international trade gives voice practical Europe. A half-century later, have practical considerations overwhelmed romantic, or has romantic longing for unity proven an obstacle practical achievement? Arguably, as European Union seeks a renewed sense of purpose and direction after conjuring a single currency and expanding twenty-five member states, concrete objectives are attainable only as long as romantic notion of constructing a better world finds resonance on European continent and beyond. The contemporary juxtaposition of a United States that appears have shed romance and idealism of its founding and apogee of Europe's romantic dimension have prompted widespread interest in EU as a meaningful global entity. Several recent accounts emerging from this tension portray European Union as an antiAmerica: an increasingly unified world of low inequality, concern for cohesiveness of society, respect for environment, and commitment a peaceful world order and resolution of conflicts through engagement and diplomacy. This romantic Europe is a magnetic pole of attraction, both aspiring member states (the region of aspirants stretches increasingly further eastward, initially into central European states of Poland, Czech Republic, and Hungary, and now Ukraine and Georgia as well as northward Baltics and southward Balkans) and poorer countries outside European continent that seek a reliable provider of development assistance and access important markets. More cynical observers hard-headed realists in language of international-relations theory, such as Robert Kagan, who in his much-debated 2002 Policy Review article contrasted Europe's weakness with America's strength suggest that this postconflict semi-utopia is possible only with military security provided by United States. For these analysts, Europe must be judged by its practical self, and, from this perspective, it is a troubled entity. The large European Union economies especially Germany and Italy, but France as well characterized by sluggish growth, population aging, and persistent mass unemployment, appear be spent forces relative dynamism of United States. The European Union has proven ineffectual in responding recent episodes of conflict and instability on European continent. Such a Europe offers little as a model for emerging capitalist democracies and remains inconsequential as a global actor. The coexistence of triumph and failure in European Union during past two years has added ambiguity of Europe's trajectory and apparent tension between romantic and practical. At midnight on April 1, 2004, fireworks lit skies across central and eastern European capitals as countries from former Soviet bloc (along with Malta and Greek Cyprus) celebrated their official accession European Union. With expansion twenty-five members, European Union became a single market in goods, services, and capital for 455 million citizens, consumers, and businesspeople. Referendums on joining EU were endorsed with enthusiasm by central and eastern European publics. As world's