Abstract

HE use of social violence to achieve domestic political goals is a frequent occurrence in the contemporary world. Resort to violence is regrettable because it signals the failure of existing governmental institutions to meet demands that are thrust upon them, because violence is rarely the only course open to dissenters or their most effective remedy, and because the use of violence is often selfdefeating and stiffens animosity among weakly committed opponents. But, irrespective of success, violence is particularly tragic because it tends to bequeath a permanent legacy of bitterness, guilt, resentment, or disillusionment to those whose circumstances it has altered. Nevertheless, militant strikes, riots, highjackings, political kidnappings, terror bombings, assassinations, and armed clashes between security forces and dissident groups are common events in many parts of the world. Entire societies may be exposed to conflict for extended periods as in Lebanon or Eritrea. More often social violence is sporadic and less pervasive, being associated with sectionally, ethnically, or ideologically distinct minorities such as the Basques, Kurds, or Tupamaros. The situation in Northern Ireland lies somewhere between these positions. For the last decade conditions have hovered precariously short of open civil war, a situation in which the semblance of normal life is just possible for most citizens, but in which some are killed and the prospect of violence threatens all. Attempts to end this violence by repression, reform, mediation, and other measures have consistently failed.

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